Pashinyan Signals Irreversible Shift in Armenia-Russia Ties Amid EU Pivot

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has declared that his country’s relationship with Russia “can no longer be the same as it was before,” telling RFI in an exclusive interview that Yerevan is pursuing a more balanced and independent foreign policy. While seeking closer integration with the European Union, the government insists it is not abandoning its longstanding partnership with Moscow but rather diversifying its political and economic options.

The remarks come amid a profound realignment of Armenia’s foreign relations following years of upheaval, including the 2018 revolution, recurrent conflict with Azerbaijan, and the 2023 exodus of the Armenian population from Nagorno-Karabakh.

Deepening EU Ties

Central to this shift is Armenia’s steadily deepening relationship with the EU. Pashinyan pointed to the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) signed with Brussels in 2017, noting that cooperation has intensified significantly since 2020. In 2025, Armenia’s parliament passed legislation formally launching a process toward possible EU accession following a citizens’ initiative.

“Yes, one of the options is for the Republic of Armenia to become a member of the European Union,” Pashinyan said. He stressed, however, that membership remains only one potential path and would ultimately depend on both the EU’s enlargement policy and the will of the Armenian people.

“Our aim in creating alternatives is to enable the Armenian people to decide whether Armenia should remain a member of the Eurasian Economic Union, become a member of the European Union, or join neither,” he explained. Regardless of the outcome, Pashinyan said Armenia intends to continue reforms aimed at aligning with EU standards, arguing that the reforms themselves would strengthen the country even if membership is not achieved.

‘We Do Not Want to Be Dependent on Anyone’

The pivot toward Europe has inevitably raised questions over Armenia’s relationship with Russia, which for decades served as its principal security partner and remains a key economic ally. Pashinyan rejected the notion that his government is seeking simply to “free” Armenia from Moscow’s orbit.

“We do not want to be dependent on anyone,” he said. “We do not want to stop depending on A only to depend on B.” Instead, he described the strategy as one of diversification—replacing dependence on a few partners with dependence on many. This principle, he argued, applies to both diplomacy and the domestic economy.

“We want our people to have alternatives. We want our population to have a choice. We also want our tomato growers to have alternatives. We want our drinks producers to have alternatives too,” he said. Pashinyan cited fuel imports as an example, noting that Armenia had reduced the concentration of petroleum imports among a small number of companies and suppliers, a move that helped shield the country from recent energy market disruptions.

Balancing Brussels and Moscow

Armenia’s efforts to move closer to Brussels have prompted warnings from Moscow that Yerevan may eventually have to choose between deeper EU integration and continued membership in the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union. Pashinyan acknowledged the difficulty of balancing the two relationships, stating that “the role of governments and political leaders is to solve unsolvable equations.”

He ruled out an imminent referendum on EU membership, saying Armenia would first need to submit a formal application—which it has not yet done—and complete further reforms. “Submitting an application simply for the sake of it does not make much sense,” he said, though he confirmed that Armenia ultimately intends to apply, “amongst other things.”

Pashinyan also insisted that worsening ties with Moscow is not Yerevan’s objective. “On the contrary, we wish to develop our relations with Russia,” he said. “One thing must simply be acknowledged: whatever the circumstances and whoever the political leaders may be, our relations with Russia can no longer be the same as they were before.” He dismissed warnings from Russian political figures that Armenia could become a “second Ukraine,” saying he was convinced such a scenario would not unfold.

Progress Toward Peace with Azerbaijan

Pashinyan struck a similarly confident tone regarding Azerbaijan, arguing that peace between the two neighbours is already taking shape despite the absence of a formally signed treaty. A peace agreement was initialled and a peace declaration adopted in Washington on August 8, 2025. He also highlighted the absence of deaths or injuries from border exchanges of fire for more than two years.

In 2024, Armenia and Azerbaijan signed and ratified their first legally binding bilateral agreement, establishing the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration as the basis for border demarcation. “Between Azerbaijan and Armenia, in practice, peace has, to a certain extent, also been established – de jure, peace has been established,” he said.

Asked about Armenian prisoners still held in Azerbaijan, missing persons, and sporadic border incidents, Pashinyan said such issues did not undermine the wider process. “From 1991 to 2025, we had deaths and injuries every single year,” he noted. “Now, for the past two years, we have had no deaths or injuries. Isn’t that a reason to be optimistic?”

He also played down a recent incident in which an Azerbaijani soldier crossed into Armenia’s Syunik region and injured a civilian, characterizing it as an accidental crossing of the kind that has occurred repeatedly over the past three decades. “This incident has nothing to do with peace and cannot in any way call peace into question,” he said.

For Pashinyan, the broader strategy is one of widening Armenia’s room for manoeuvre—strengthening ties with Europe, maintaining relations with Russia, and consolidating peace with its neighbours.

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