As the final two weeks of campaigning for the October 27 elections begin, the notorious election stunts and tactics—locally known as “shtickim” and “trickim”—must finally be laid aside.
The coalition’s campaign has blanketed billboards and online videos with the slogan “Yamin or Falestine,” a deliberately racist message that depicts Yesh Atid leader Gad Eisenkot flanked by Mansour Abbas and Ahmad Tibi, implying that an Eisenkot premiership would rely on Abbas’s Ra’am Party.
The Shinui (Change) bloc has devoted its entire campaign to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s handling of the October 7 massacre, neglecting to present a clear platform for governing (an exception being the B’Yachad party, which has released detailed ministry‑by‑ministry programs).
The dearth of substantive policy discussion poses a serious problem for an election of this magnitude, and Israeli campaigns routinely resort to engineered crises and last‑minute revelations.
Chief among these is the prospect of renewed war with Iran, which could force an election postponement. An Axios report said Netanyahu conferred with President Donald Trump last week about a possible new strike on Iran’s nuclear and military facilities, arguing that Tehran is reconstituting its nuclear capabilities.
Renewed fighting could lead to postponement of elections
IDF Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Eyal Zamir has warned that any resurgence of hostilities before the election could force a delay. Meanwhile, President Trump has indicated he will not decide on such action until after the U.S. midterm elections.
Voters, lacking full information, cannot determine whether Iran’s recent activities represent an imminent threat that would merit immediate action in the final two weeks.
Netanyahu has built his campaign around a narrative of strength, presenting himself as the leader who safeguarded Israel after October 7 from Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran. A new attack—and the resulting delay—would reinforce that image.
Conversely, the opposition is driven by the events leading up to and following October 7. They are being fed daily disclosures that serve as political ammunition.
Netanyahu’s former military secretary, Avi Gil, alleged this week that the prime minister gave an incomplete version of the events surrounding Hamas’s October 7, 2023, assault.
Gil’s claims, prominently featured on Israel Hayom and Channel 12, contend that Netanyahu’s chief of staff, Tzahi Braverman, attempted to revise an official record by moving the timestamp of Netanyahu’s first briefing about the Hamas invasion from 6:40 a.m. to 6:29 a.m.
Major defamation lawsuit against Netanyahu by Shin Bet’s Ronen Bar
Adding to the flame is Wednesday’s bombshell: a NIS 3 million defamation suit filed by former Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar against Netanyahu, accusing the prime minister of falsely claiming that Bar had prior knowledge of the October 7 attack and deliberately concealed it.
While the allegations by Gil and Bar are serious, the timing—less than three weeks before the vote—raises suspicions. Both men said they withheld their statements until now, hoping to testify before a state commission of inquiry that Netanyahu has blocked.
Either Gil’s or Bar’s revelation could have been made weeks earlier, after the polls closed, and the wave of similar claims that Netanyahu received warnings from the United Arab Emirates and Egypt so close to Election Day can only be viewed as manufactured crises.
With just two weeks remaining, voters deserve to hear concrete plans on education, transportation, the environment, the inequitable IDF draft, the alarming emigration trend, the future of the West Bank, and the ongoing problem of settler violence, among other pressing issues.
Given their profound impact on Israel’s future, these elections are too important to be reduced to sensational headlines in the campaign’s final stretch; voters need a focus on the nation’s real challenges.