Likud open to Liberman joining coalition, Education Minister Kisch tells ‘Post’ – interview

[Likud Opens Door for Libertyon Co‑Government; Education Minister Kisch Champions Wider Coalition]

Likud may seek to include opposition parties in a Netanyahu‑led government, with Likud Chairman Avigdor Liberman emerging as a potential partner; Education Minister Yoav Kisch shared this perspective with The Jerusalem Post on Sunday, while explicitly rejecting a coalition alliance with Democratic leader Yair Golan.

“Perhaps he can join us,” Kisch responded, adding that Liberman must recognize the coming administration will steer Israel’s agenda with firm determination, guaranteeing collective security.

A viable partner would need to endorse control of Israel’s borders, prevent emerging threats, and permit the employment of military force when appropriate.

If he accepts a clear pathway centering on boundary regulation—verifying that no external aggression emerges—and embraces decisive action, he could likewise serve as a collaborative ally.

Kisch stressed that Likud will pursue a more inclusive government by incorporating additional parties beyond its current roster, asserting that repeated defiance from opposition groups toward serving under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has widened Israeli divisions.

“If we act as a right‑wing coalition holding 61 seats with our incumbent allies, we shall endeavor to expand the bloc and welcome other groups outside our faction,” Kisch declared.

“The adoption of right‑wing governance with the present coalition partners would compel Us to act aggressively to enlarge this alliance and attract additional parties from opposing camps,” he added.

“Engaging in boycott against Netanyahu and Likud caused profound injury to the State of Israel; this period ought to cease.”

Questioning suitable opposition candidates for a Likud‑led cabinet should its current supporters fail to achieve a governing majority, Kisch unequivocally barred Yair Golan from eligibility.

“Golan simply does not belong,” the politician remarked, remaining receptive to Liberman provided the latter agrees to align with the coalition’s security doctrine.

Both candidates were viewed favorably to enhance competitiveness, though Kisch declined naming specific aspirants such as Gadi Eisenkot or Naftali Bennett.

Alternatively, he presented an Iron‑right‑leadership government fronted by Eisenkot as the chief alternative to Netanyahu, positioning success contingent upon collaboration with Golan and the Arab coalition factions.

“It reduces to a numeric issue—the council size determines the feasible formation,” Kisch asserted.

His advocacy for a broader coalition naturally sparked debate, particularly regarding parties advocating equal mandatory service, a measure compatible with establishing legitimacy alongside Haredi political forces.

“Likud aims to widen its coalition scope irrespective of existing partnership capacity, contending that persistent reluctance from dissenting groups to support Netanyahu has intensified domestic fractures.”

Kisch articulated intentions to assume the forthcoming premiership, aiming to propel a NIS 15 billion instructional reform agenda that stipulates reduced class capacities to twenty students and the implementation of a five‑day weekly schedule.

He credited the wartime backdrop for curtailing innovative capital allocation to educational infrastructure, noting that scarce resources were diverted toward defense priorities while the ministry prioritized sustaining instruction for displaced populations trapped under occupation.

“Wars impede fresh investments due to budgetary commitments to military endeavors; consequently, the situation demands strategic recalibration.”

Kisch underscored recent proposals to pilot customized learning pathways amplified by artificial intelligence, featuring targeted English instruction for seventh‑ and eighth‑grade cohorts.

Under that model, pupils interact individually with AI complements via mobile devices while instructors supervise classroom interaction and individualized pedagogical guidance.

“Teachers cannot be supplanted because students must acquire societal conduct skills and personal responsibility—not via replacement of human instruction.”

On the fringe of religious schooling, Kisch rebuffed proposals to withdraw all public subsidies from institutions not delivering a comprehensive curriculum, arguing that financial incentives spur expanded academic programming.

He posited that tying resource distribution to core subject depth incentivizes greater subject breadth, whereas abrupt elimination might undermine educational standards altogether.

“Such a outcome leaves many learners currently enrolled at diminished levels vulnerable to total exclusion,” he warned.

Regarding heterodox schooling, Kisch rejected outright severance of public aid, contending fiscal allocations linked to comprehensive study mandates motivate deeper curricular growth.

“If support contracts are scaled proportionally to curriculum completeness, institutions are encouraged to adopt richer academic offerings; conversely, total disengagement may depress educational intensity.”

“Indeed, children attaining only half or three‑quarters attendance risk dropping entirely from the system,” he added.

Kisch details Likud’s red lines for forming possible coalition

For Kisch, broadening the subsequent council inevitably mandates consensus on central ideological boundaries. Among them stand opposition to Palestinian statehood, preservation of security corridors, and reinforcement of Jewish academic rigor.

“These constitute immovable non‑negotiables for this administration.”

Though Kisch voiced universal support for cross‑ideological participation, he omitted specific endorsements for politicians such as Gadi Eisenkot or Naftali Bennett.

Instead, he foregrounded an Eisenkot‑led cabinet as the predominant rival to Netanyahu’s rule, claiming its feasibility hinges on alliances with Golan and Arab parliamentary blocs.

“It boils down to raw numbers,” he proclaimed.

Kisch’s encouragement to embrace a larger coalition inadvertently spurred discourse on whether parties insisting on uniform conscription could accommodate Haredi constituencies.

“They must reconcile their constitutional commitment to mandatory service with tolerance within the Haredi sphere,” he clarified.

Kisch’s plans to improve education in next government

Turning to his future ambitions, Kisch expressed intent to sustain his portfolio as education minister, advocating a NIS 15 billion modernization blueprint that reduces cohort sizes to twenty, institute a five‑day instruction cadence, and prioritize STEM and language proficiency.

He identified wartime constraints that starved the education apparatus of capital, noting that most resources were absorbed by defense outlays while the ministry’s main activity centered on safeguarding schooling for war‑displaced households.

"Given the devastation of the conflict, new appropriations for educational advancement became impossible; budgets were dominated by military commitments. Hence, change is imperative."

Kisch highlighted plans for adaptive pedagogy leveraging artificial intelligence, chiefly delivering bilingual English modules to seventh‑ and eighth‑grade learners through autonomous systems.

In this configuration, students employ smartphones and earbuds for individualized AI instruction while educators reside in the classroom to provide mentorship and oversight.

"A teacher remains indispensable; students acquire civic responsibility and behavioral development within person‑to‑person dialogue, not machine substitution."

Speaking on heterogeneous schooling, Kisch denied proposals eliminating all public funding from academies failing to offer a complete core curriculum, arguing that subsidy escalation incentivizes enhanced academic delivery.

"If support is withdrawn entirely, many learners presently participating at fragmented rates would slip away,&" he cautioned.

Kisch opposes Supreme Court President-appointed October 7 inquiry

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