South Africa Faces Escalating Anti-Migrant Unrest

South Africa is experiencing a resurgence of anti‑migrant tensions, as vigilante groups have been going door‑to‑door, demanding that undocumented foreign nationals leave the country by the end of June. According to post‑apartheid expert Cécile Perrot, the violence stems from deeper social and economic challenges, and migrants are increasingly used as scapegoats for poverty and unemployment.

The recent unrest has alarmed neighboring countries; Mozambique reports that hundreds of its citizens have already returned home, and Ghana and Nigeria have initiated repatriation of their nationals.

Kenya, Lesotho, and Zimbabwe have urged their citizens to exercise caution.

Authorities reported that two individuals from Mozambique were killed during anti‑foreigner demonstrations over the weekend. Police dismissed the Mozambican government’s claim that five citizens died as a direct result of xenophobic attacks.

Professor Cécile Perrot of Rennes 2 University explains why anti‑migrant violence is rising, identifies the groups behind the campaigns, and criticizes the South African government’s response.

RFI: A resurgence of xenophobic violence in South Africa in recent weeks has been observed. How concerning is this trend?

Cécile Perrot: The NGO Xeno Watch has documented over 1,000 attacks since 1994, with a notable increase beginning in 2008. These incidents vary widely, ranging from isolated assaults and beatings to the looting and arson of migrant‑owned shops solely because of their nationality.

RFI: What factors are triggering this violence?

CP: At a macro level, chronic poverty and unemployment create a context in which migrants are perceived as responsible for the worsening living conditions. Social media further fuels this narrative by amplifying hate speech, casting migrants as scapegoats.

RFI: Who are the perpetrators? They appear to be organized; we see groups such as March and March and Operation Dudula, which include well‑known figures.

CP: Absolutely. These movements are driven by civil society organisations. Operation Dudula emerged in 2021‑2022 and gained notoriety, especially for blocking access to hospitals and schools. Its actions were declared illegal by South African courts last year, which conferred a degree of political stature.

More recently, the March and March movement was launched last year by radio presenter Jacinta Ngobese‑Zuma, who commands a large audience. All these organisations benefit from a favorable environment within the country.

Civil society as a whole is largely indifferent to migrants’ plight or supportive of their deportation, especially of undocumented individuals. The government, meanwhile, remains largely passive toward these movements and at times appears to tacitly endorse them.

South Africa rejects claims of xenophobia surrounding anti‑migrant protests.

RFI: Which groups are these organisations targeting?

CP: Officially, the discourse centers on undocumented migrants, whose numbers are highly speculative. The figures are questionable, with estimates ranging from four million to fifteen million.

These undocumented migrants are accused of stealing jobs and exploiting South Africa’s well‑developed social welfare system at the expense of local residents.

RFI: In reality, that is not the case, as they primarily target legally operating small business owners.

CP: Absolutely. The attacks affect all migrants, irrespective of status. The claim that migrants are stealing jobs is unfounded; they commonly work in small businesses and personal service sectors such as house cleaning.

RFI: Are these xenophobic acts of violence spontaneous? It appears they are organized, with resources behind them.

CP: Numerous organisations coordinate these demonstrations and movements. Operation Dudula, for example, began as a civil‑society initiative before evolving into a political movement, and all participating groups derive political advantage from the activity.

Within these movements, several individuals are leveraging the anti‑immigrant context to gain prominence and launch political careers.

RFI: Where does their funding come from?

CP: Funding comes from direct fundraising; for instance, the March and March website solicits donations, and media reports have highlighted financial support for certain political movements.

RFI: How is the South African government responding? Is it taking concrete measures?

CP: In practice, the government is taking little action and faces strong international criticism for its inaction and denial of reality. Recently, the Home Minister characterised xenophobic attacks as ordinary crimes, dismissing the term ‘xenophobia’ itself.

There is likely a political strategy at play; portraying migrants as scapegoats diverts attention from the government’s own shortcomings in employment, education, and healthcare, offering an easy target.

RFI: Is this violence affecting South Africa’s relations with its neighboring countries?

CP: Indeed. Many African governments are under domestic pressure, feeling they were slow to respond to the attacks in South Africa.

We are witnessing growing expressions of annoyance, sometimes outright anger, from these governments, which undermines South Africa’s attempts to position itself as a continental leader.

It also has economic repercussions, as 25 % of South Africa’s trade is with the rest of the African continent.

This interview has been adapted from the original French version by Alexandra Brangeon and edited for clarity.

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