Ten years ago, Britain voted to leave the European Union, an outcome that set the stage for enduring political instability. The journalist recalls his eldest daughter’s bewildered reaction at age seven: “Where do they want to go?” she asked, perhaps imagining a faraway land like Africa.
The ensuing decade has been marked by relentless political turbulence. Last week marked the resignation of the sixth post‑Brexit prime minister, while Keir Starmer—whose party had secured a decisive majority less than two years earlier—has now lost the confidence of voters and many of his own party’s officials.
Ten years, six prime ministers
Even before Starmer’s fall, the warning signs were evident. More than a year ago, the right‑wing populist Reform UK party, led by Brexit architect Nigel Farage, overtook the governing Labour Party in opinion polls and later defeated it in local elections across England. Calls for Starmer’s resignation intensified, culminating in his departure on Monday.
It is a striking reversal for a leader whose party had won one of the largest parliamentary majorities of the postwar era just two years earlier.
The turmoil also reflects broader national problems: stagnant growth, soaring public debt, a health‑care system in need of funds, and the rise of Reform’s assertive anti‑immigrant stance, which now commands the support of roughly a quarter of British voters.
In the decade since the EU referendum, Britain has cycled through six prime ministers, none of whom managed to reverse the country’s deepening malaise. A seventh leader is about to take office.
The man expected to succeed him is Andy Burnham, the popular Mayor of Greater Manchester. Many Labour members hope he can revive the party and the nation. However, as colleague Michael D. Shear points out, the fundamental challenges that forced Starmer out remain, and there is little indication that a Burnham government would pursue fundamentally different policies.
‘King of the North’
Andy Burnham, at 56, is seven years younger than Starmer and a native of the northwest, a background underscored by his accent. His father was a telephone engineer and his mother a doctor’s receptionist, giving him firsthand insight into the concerns of those outside London and the affluent southeast. As mayor of Greater Manchester, he reversed the privatisation of the city’s bus system, creating the bright yellow “bee buses” that offer free or low‑cost travel. His vocal opposition to harsh Covid‑19 lockdowns earned him the moniker “King of the North.”
By contrast, Starmer never acquired a catchy nickname; his perceived lack of charisma further exacerbated the government’s shortfall of concrete achievements, leaving voters deeply dissatisfied. As left‑leaning magazine The New Statesman observed, “Men don’t want to be his mate and women don’t want to give him a hug.”
Labour will gain a more compelling storyteller—and arguably a richer narrative—with Burnham. Yet today’s Britain demands substance beyond compelling tales.
Ten years after Brexit
The United Kingdom’s economy is in a precarious state, a situation intensified by Brexit. Chronic underinvestment has left essential services—health care, energy, transport, and defence—in urgent need of funding, but the Treasury lacks the resources. Public debt stands at 94 % of GDP, a legacy of the financial crisis and the pandemic, while annual interest payments now surpass the entire public‑education budget.
It remains uncertain how much Burnham can alter the fiscal trajectory. In September, he warned that Britain should not be “in hock to the bond markets,” an indication that his left‑leaning stance might favour increased borrowing and spending. When bond traders responded by driving up interest rates, however, he reversed course, insisting that a plan to shrink the nation’s debt was necessary and that he would adhere to rigorous fiscal discipline.
The episode underscores that he confronts the same difficult trade‑offs as his predecessors.
Can Burnham rescue Britain? The task is formidable. Yet his origins may undercut Reform’s narrative of detached Westminster elites, and his charisma could aid him in a race against Farage, the Reform leader.
In a special election last week, Burnham decisively defeated his Reform opponent in a northwestern constituency that had overwhelmingly backed Brexit a decade earlier. Supporters hope his appeal is sufficient to blunt Reform’s challenge, now Labour’s primary concern. Nonetheless, beating Reform may require more than charisma and a northern accent; Burnham will have just over three years to produce tangible results before the next election—if he remains in office that long.
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