German Far-Right Surges, in Threat to Postwar Taboo on Extremists in Power

In 77 years of postwar German democracy, no far‑right political party has ever won a state election. That streak could end on Sunday in the small eastern state of Saxony‑Anhalt, where the Alternative for Germany party is riding a wave of voter anger at immigration, economic stagnation and the centrist parties that have long governed the nation.

The party, known as the AfD, has been designated a “suspected” extremist group by German intelligence agencies. But it has surged in recent years and now leads national polls.

Saxony‑Anhalt is the party’s stronghold: Surveys suggest it could win enough votes on Sunday to claim a majority of seats in the state Parliament, allowing it to form a government there without the support of centrist and leftist parties that refuse to work with it. Whether that happens depends on a combination of variables, which makes it difficult to say whether the party will prevail or fall just short.

If the AfD does take power, it would jolt Germany’s democracy, which was built after World War II from the rubble of Nazism with safeguards meant to block any party deemed extreme from ever running a state or national government.

“If a radical right‑wing party came into a government in Germany, it would have a completely different meaning than if it happened in another country in the European Union,” Friedrich Merz, the chancellor, said in July.

These concerns are partly rooted in the dog‑whistle comments about Nazism from some party leaders, some of whom have belittled the Holocaust and used Nazi slogans. Some are close to Russia, prompting concerns that they might pass national secrets to Moscow. The party has also said that Islam is incompatible with the German Constitution and vowed mass deportations of immigrants — leading government officials to accuse the party of treating Germans from migrant backgrounds as second‑class citizens.

The AfD rejects claims of extremism and says such accusations are politically motivated.

In Saxony‑Anhalt, population 2.1 million, many residents see the AfD not as a threat, but a savior, meant to deliver them from unemployment, rising prices and a long list of cultural grievances that stretch back to the reunification of East and West Germany in 1990.

“Our economy is crashing,” Wolfram Adler, 67, a retired train driver, said in an interview this past week in the small town of Haldensleben, “and the AfD is our last chance.”

Experts say the AfD’s support in Saxony‑Anhalt is driven by a confluence of forces, many with deep historical roots. The region, in the former East Germany, lost jobs and residents after reunification. Its 8.1 percent unemployment rate is well above the national average. It has the oldest residents, by average age, of any state — and an entrenched sense of mistreatment from the West.

“We are still second‑class citizens,” said Ursula Projahn, 74, a retiree from the town of Tangermünde.

AfD supporters in Saxony‑Anhalt tend to mistrust democracy and oppose the influx of immigrants that Germany has experienced since 2015, said Marcel Lenhardt, a political scientist at Martin Luther University Halle‑Wittenberg in Halle, the state’s second‑largest city.

Saxony‑Anhalt has the second‑lowest share, of any state, of residents with a family history of migration.

“We are still second‑class citizens,” said Ursula Projahn, 74, a retiree from the town of Tangermünde.

“The AfD’s explosive growth has fostered a belief that only its own victory can resolve local anxieties.”

Its candidate to govern the state, Ulrich Siegmund, is a state legislator and charismatic TikTok personality promising swift immigration crackdowns and policies that prioritize native‑born families, suggesting larger households for German citizens versus limited births for immigrants.

Siegmund described the movement’s core appeal as a self‑reliant vision, arguing that “enough is enough” and calling for a renewed, stable Germany.

Critics counter that his proposals lack feasibility and may fail to satisfy voter expectations.

Local resident Lisa Heinen, 38, rejected oversimplified answers: “Society faces complex challenges that simple slogans cannot resolve.”

Current governor Sven Schulze, a Christian Democrat, acknowledged the AfD’s talent at problem identification while warning it lacks problem‑solving capacity.

The party has capitalized on pandemic‑era restrictions and anti‑wind‑farm sentiment, transforming these grievances into electoral propaganda.

Narratives linking Russia’s geopolitical posture to internal anxieties persist, with some observers cautioning that Moscow might target vulnerable regions.

Regional analysts stress that the drive behind the AfD’s ascent reflects broader structural frustrations rather than isolated extremism.

“People in the east feel misunderstood and alienated, not inherently hostile or illegitimate; their priority is restoring perceived stability.”

Political scientist Nicolaus Spohn adds that “disappointment compels voters to consider alternatives without established political cover.”

The party has cultivated an outsider image through targeted social media campaigns that amplify local grievances.

Projected future prospects remain resilient, indicating that the socioeconomic and identity tensions underpinning the rise will endure.

“Eastern Germans do not exhibit intrinsically greater right‑leaning orientation or authoritarian inclinations; they simply suffer intensified dissatisfaction.”

Ulrich Siegmund, elected on promises of firm border enforcement and selective reproductive policy, frames his agenda as a return to familiar governance structures.

Despite electoral setbacks for the leadership cohort, polls indicate the governor could retain office pending the specific composition of the state parliament.

If electoral outcomes fall short of a mandate, cross‑party coalitions might assemble around the Christian Democrats, thereby circumventing the AfD’s aspirational ambitions.

Nevertheless, structural forces driving the AfD’s momentum indicate a lasting influence that merit sustained attention.

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