Israel and the United States should support efforts to transform the Gulf’s increasing readiness to confront Iran into a formal regional defense alliance.
According to The Wall Street Journal, Bahrain and Kuwait secretly deployed fighter jets earlier this month to target Iranian drone and missile facilities. The United Arab Emirates reportedly provided intelligence and defensive air support. Kuwait has denied involvement, while Bahrain has remained silent.
Even with these qualifications, the report reflects a Middle East that would have been difficult to envision just a few years ago. Gulf states that once relied on Washington to respond to every Iranian provocation now seem prepared to act independently.
Saudi Arabia is also engaged in renewed direct conflict with Iran-backed Houthis. Houthi military spokesman Yahya Saree announced “a maritime embargo against the criminal Saudi enemy,” invoking what he described as “an eye for an eye.”
Mahdi al-Mashat, head of the Houthis’ Supreme Political Council, threatened additional attacks. The Saudi-led coalition responded that it would act “firmly.”
Iranian Attacks Reshape Regional Alliances
Missiles, aircraft, intelligence, and air defenses are being deployed by Arab governments that have concluded Iran poses a direct threat.
For decades, the Arab-Israeli conflict shaped the region’s alliances and public discourse. Tehran exploited this dynamic, characterizing its armed groups in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Gaza, and Yemen as “resistance” movements.
This narrative becomes harder to sustain when Iranian missiles target Bahrain and Kuwait, and Houthi attacks threaten Saudi oil infrastructure and Red Sea shipping. In June, US Central Command reported that Iran had launched ballistic missiles toward both Kuwait and Bahrain. American and Bahraini forces intercepted several of them.
The most significant shift is that Arab governments are taking action independently.
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, and Bahrain’s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa are making decisions based on their national security interests, economic priorities, and long-term strategic goals.
They are no longer waiting for Israel to formulate their security strategy. In May, MBS condemned Iranian attacks on the UAE and affirmed Saudi “support for the UAE in defending its security and stability.”
Israel should welcome this development without viewing the Gulf states as secondary participants in an Israeli-led initiative.
Israel still has valuable contributions to make: experience countering Iranian missiles and drones, intelligence capabilities, cyber warfare expertise, and advanced air defense systems. The Gulf states offer geographic advantages, military bases, airspace access, financial resources, and political influence. The United States remains the only nation capable of integrating these capabilities across the region.
Some coordination is already underway. On July 1, US Central Command (CENTCOM) Commander Adm. Brad Cooper met in Bahrain with senior military officials from 12 regional countries to discuss defense cooperation. Israel was notably absent from the official participant list.
This demonstrates how significantly Arab military coordination has evolved and how much diplomatic groundwork remains.
Regional Partners Need Integrated Defenses Against Iran
The next step should focus on practical measures. The US, Israel, and willing Arab states should establish shared early-warning systems, synchronize missile and drone defense networks, secure critical shipping lanes, and develop pre-established protocols for responding when Iran or its proxies attacks any member state.
Regular joint exercises and clearly defined command structures would prevent the confusion that typically characterizes the initial hours of a crisis. Iran has historically relied on hesitation, plausible deniability, and discord among its adversaries.
Iran should no longer be able to assume that an attack on one country will not trigger a unified response from multiple regional powers.
Saudi-Israeli normalization fits naturally within this framework. It would provide public and political legitimacy to security cooperation that has developed quietly and facilitate closer collaboration among military officers, intelligence agencies, and political leaders before the next emergency arises.
The challenges are substantial. Kuwait has denied participation in the reported strikes. Bahrain has not acknowledged involvement.
Oman and Qatar continue maintaining diplomatic channels with Tehran. Saudi Arabia and the UAE have pursued different strategies in Yemen, and Arab public opinion remains deeply influenced by the Palestinian cause.
Israel must therefore proceed cautiously. A regional alliance will endure only if every participating nation has meaningful input and can justify the arrangement to its domestic audience.
For years, Arab states opposed Israel publicly, feared Iran privately, and sought American protection when threats emerged. This traditional pattern is breaking down.
Arab governments are now taking independent action. Israel and the United States should assist them in transforming this proactive stance into a permanent regional defense architecture before the next crisis forces everyone to respond reactively.
