When missiles begin to fly in the Middle East, shared interests often become starkly clear.
Israel and Saudi Arabia have held US-mediated discussions aimed at strengthening Riyadh’s defenses against the Iran-backed Houthis. Diplomatic sources say the talks, facilitated by US Central Command, focused on the possibility of Israeli intelligence assistance.
Israel should provide it.
Saudi Arabia is believed to be seeking information about Houthi military deployments and preparations for future attacks. Israel has significant capabilities to contribute. As The Jerusalem Post reported, the IDF has demonstrated its intelligence and operational reach around the Strait of Hormuz, helping the United States develop a clearer picture of Iranian forces in the region.
Sharing some of those capabilities with Saudi Arabia would be strategically sensible. It would not require deploying Israeli troops to Yemen or making Israel responsible for Saudi security. Nor should Jerusalem confuse discreet security cooperation with an imminent diplomatic breakthrough. Still, Israel has a direct interest in helping contain a threat facing Israelis, Saudis and much of the international community.
The Houthis are no longer simply a Yemeni concern. They have expanded their control along Yemen’s Red Sea coast and captured territory around Bab al-Mandab, one of the world’s most important maritime choke points. Diplomatic sources cited by the Post said Houthi forces have also blocked Saudi vessels from using the strait, creating what those sources described as an economic and diplomatic blockade.
Houthi pressure on Bab al-Mandab has worldwide consequences
Attacks against Saudi Arabia have also intensified. Recent Houthi operations have targeted Saudi oil pipelines and pumping facilities, as well as civilians living near the Saudi-Yemeni border.
The repercussions extend far beyond Riyadh.
Bab al-Mandab connects the Gulf of Aden to the Red Sea, the Suez Canal and the Gulf of Eilat. Its security is vital to international shipping, global energy markets, Egypt’s economy and Israel’s access to the Red Sea.
Israel understands the danger better than most. Houthi attacks have severely disrupted activity at the Port of Eilat, while missiles and drones fired from Yemen have repeatedly targeted Israel since October 7, 2023.
Iran’s strategy is straightforward: convert geography into leverage. Tehran pressures shipping through the Strait of Hormuz while its Houthi allies threaten Bab al-Mandab. When the Houthis attack Saudi oil infrastructure, shipping costs rise, energy prices climb and governments far beyond the Middle East feel the impact.
The answer cannot be to leave every threatened country to confront this network alone.
Cooperation must have limits, however, and Saudi Arabia is seeking assistance elsewhere. Riyadh has asked Britain to help push the Houthis back from Bab al-Mandab and protect its oil infrastructure, the Post reported. Britain has agreed to send military advisers but has not committed to providing further support.
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has also sought direct US military intervention, but US President Donald Trump has declined to order strikes against the Houthis.
Israel should likewise avoid being drawn hastily into another country’s war. Intelligence cooperation is different. Helping Riyadh defend its cities, energy infrastructure and maritime routes against Iranian-backed attacks would be prudent and would serve Israel’s interests.
There is also a diplomatic opportunity, but Israel should approach it with realistic expectations.
Shared security interests could advance Israeli-Saudi normalization
Normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia has long been regarded as the unfinished centerpiece of the Abraham Accords era. The Israel-Hamas War and disagreements over the Palestinian issue have complicated that prospect. Security cooperation against the Houthis will not resolve those disputes or automatically lead to embassies in Riyadh and Jerusalem.
But diplomatic relationships are often built on practical shared interests before they are formalized in public ceremonies.
Israel and Saudi Arabia do not need to agree on every regional issue to recognize that neither benefits from an Iranian proxy controlling a strategic waterway, threatening oil infrastructure and holding international commerce hostage.
CENTCOM provides a framework through which Israel and Arab states can coordinate against common threats without requiring every relationship to become public or fully political. That structure should be strengthened.
Iran has built a regional network designed to exploit divisions among its adversaries. Its response to pressure has been to threaten the routes through which the region trades with the rest of the world.
Israel should answer Saudi Arabia’s request positively, carefully and without triumphalism.
Iran has spent decades trying to intimidate and divide its adversaries. The strongest response is to turn its aggression into a reason for them to draw closer together.
