Kurdish‑Led SDF Dissolution Marks Syria’s Push for Unified Military Command

Tuesday’s announcement that the Kurdish‑led Syrian Democratic Forces had dissolved, with its fighters joining the Syrian military, signals a boost for the government aiming to showcase its exclusive authority over the nation.

Nevertheless, analysts told Al Jazeera that the specifics of integrating the forces remain unclear, indicating that the deep divisions stemming from nearly 14 years of conflict—and the additional 20 months since the fall of the al‑Assad regime—have not been fully resolved.

The SDF, formed in 2015, has operated primarily in northeastern Syria, home to much of the historically marginalized Kurdish population.

After months of negotiations, the SDF had been reluctant to relinquish the autonomy it secured during the war, yet on Tuesday its leader, Mazloum Abdi (also known as Mazloum Kobani), declared that an important chapter in the nation’s history had been turned.

“We want this day to mark the start of a genuine shift from battlefields to reconstruction fields, and from the age of weapons to the age of peace,” Abdi said from the presidential palace in Damascus.

Initially, the SDF harbored strong reservations about surrendering its weapons and coming under the command of Syria’s Ministry of Defence. However, a government offensive into the northeast in January, together with improved ties between the Syrian government and the United States—the SDF’s primary backer—has shifted the strategic balance.

Rob Geist Pinfold, a security studies lecturer at King’s College London, told Al Jazeera that the SDF’s dissolution reflects an ongoing trend of reduced leverage for the group, as the United States has signalled that it no longer offers it protected status.

The dissolution of the SDF means that ‘the largest organized military force operating outside Damascus’s authority has ceased to exist independently, enabling the state to initiate the restoration of a single military command and unified control over borders, airports, and strategic resources,’ said Navvar Saban, a researcher in security and military affairs at the Arab Center for Contemporary Syrian Studies.

However, Saban noted that integration will require more than a simple announcement from Damascus.

“The agreement may end Syria’s military fragmentation, but sustainable and effective unity will depend on inclusive institutions and a unified national chain of command,” Saban said.

Obstacles remaining

Saban explained that SDF fighters are being absorbed into the Syrian army under the Defence Ministry, while the Asayish—the SDF’s affiliated security forces—and other local security units are being integrated into the Ministry of Interior; civilian institutions and staff are also being reassigned to appropriate ministries.

“The formal merger is complete, yet establishing a cohesive military culture and unified chain of command will require considerably more time,” he said.

There is likely to be lingering apprehension among Syrian Kurds, given the recent deadly conflict in their history, and some mistrust toward the government, which is headed by figures formerly linked to now‑disbanded rebel groups such as Hay’at Tahrir al‑Sham—formerly the al‑Nusra Front, an offshoot of al‑Qaeda. Many of those former rebels also fought the SDF, which at times was accused of cooperating with the al‑Assad regime.

“Many Arab communities may welcome the return of a central government, while Kurdish communities are likely to remain cautious,” Saban said. “They desire peace, yet they also require guarantees regarding the Kurdish language, education, political representation, and local security.”

Syria’s President Ahmed al‑Sharaa, since taking power after al‑Assad’s fall, has repeatedly sought to reassure Kurds by pledging constitutional protection for the Kurdish language and political rights, while stressing integration into the broader Syrian state.

“This agreement reflects the government’s terms, but behind the scenes US pressure likely compelled the Syrian authorities to concede to at least some of the SDF’s remaining demands,” Geist Pinfold said.

Disagreements have centered on the SDF’s Women Protection Units (YPJ). Earlier this month, senior SDF official Abdulkarim Omar told Al Jazeera that the YPJ sought integration into the Defence Ministry, but the Syrian government replied that the army’s current structure lacked a dedicated unit for women.

The government suggested instead that the YPJ be absorbed into the Interior Ministry. Omar responded that the YPJ could join the Interior Ministry as a specialised counter‑terrorism unit.

No final decision has been announced, but Alexander McKeever, author of the newsletter *This Week in Northern Syria*, described the development as “a significant compromise for the government,” which had previously opposed women serving in combat or high‑risk security roles.

Nevertheless, McKeever, speaking from Qamishli in northeast Syria, noted that broader disagreements persist regarding which fighters will join government forces, where they will be deployed, and what their roles will entail.

McKeever emphasized that the issue of chain of command—whether fighters will report directly to Damascus or to more local commanders—remains unresolved.

Source link