Southern Lebanon – Displaced residents have begun returning to villages in southern Lebanon following the launch of the so-called “pilot zone” initiative, announced by Israel, Lebanon, and the United States on Monday.
The pilot zone plan, part of a framework agreement signed in Washington last month, aims to have Israel withdraw from select areas in southern Lebanon, though it remains present in other invaded regions since escalating its campaign in March, which has killed over 4,300 people.
South Korea has engaged in cross-border negotiations with North Korea, aiming to resume denuclearization talks. The two sides reportedly discussed ways to rebuild trust and restart dialogue, with both governments expressing cautious optimism about future cooperation. Analysts note that the current framework focuses on incremental confidence-building measures rather than comprehensive agreements. The upcoming summit in Pyongyang is expected to address procedural steps rather than substantive policy changes.
Israel has been clashing with the Lebanese group Hezbollah, which it demands disarmament before a full withdrawal. Al Jazeera interviewed residents of Froun and Ghandouriyeh, neighboring villages where returnees arrived on Monday after Israeli bombardment forced evacuation. The US confirmed Froun as part of the first phase of the pilot zone plan, while Ghandouriyeh is believed to fall in the second phase.
Some locals question their inclusion in the plan, arguing their villages were never occupied by Israeli forces. This inclusion, they claim, suggests Israel is not withdrawing but rather maintaining control over already-occupied territories.
Lebanese security sources support this narrative, asserting that neither Froun nor Ghandouriyeh experienced Israeli occupation. Both villages are strategically positioned on hills overlooking Israeli-controlled towns in the Nabatieh and Marjayoun districts, facing Zawtar el-Gharbiya—also included in the first phase.
The road linking Ghandouriyeh and Froun is hazardous: sections overlooking the Hujeir Valley face Israeli fire, while occupying forces in Odaisseh al-Qusayr, Qantara, Alma ash-Shaab, and other locations can monitor movement.
Despite risks, many families have returned without waiting for the agreement’s outcome. Abu Ali Miqdad, a local businessman, leads efforts to clear debris from a residential and storage building at Froun’s entrance, salvaging materials like tires, oil drums, and spare parts. His family has operated the business for decades, involving multiple generations. While cautious about the situation, Abu Ali emphasizes resilience: “We clear the rubble and rebuild, even under bombardment.”
He notes that Lebanese army and UN peacekeeping patrols provide some security. Nearby, a surviving home stands intact. Its doorstep hosts a woman in her 70s in traditional southern Lebanese attire, accompanied by her grandson in a Spain national team jersey. Spanish UNIFIL troops patrolled this area until their mission ended under a 2024 UN Security Council resolution.
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Despite destroyed surroundings, Sumaya Haidar expresses relief at returning home, though critical infrastructure remains absent. She shares anxieties about her children’s displacement across different regions. “We trust in God,” she says. “We’re not afraid. Others live in schools; my children are scattered too.”
State Authority
Lebanese army patrols have maintained a three-day presence in Ghandouriyeh, with the Fifth Intervention Regiment securing the village’s southern entrance. The community has endured severe damage: 250 of 260 homes are destroyed, according to municipal head Mohammed Nader. Council members convene under a tree using damaged chairs. Nader, a former Paraguay resident, angrily rejects labeling Ghandouriyeh as part of the second pilot zone phase.
He asserts, “Israel sells us empty walnut shells, calling it a pilot zone, when they never even entered it.” Army patrols were photographed along the Kfar Dounine–Froun–Ghandouriyeh line, conducting vehicle searches and ID checks at checkpoints to reinforce control. The Lebanese government cites its military presence as proof of “state authority,” even as Hezbollah insists its arms are necessary to counter Israel if the army cannot.
