Months After Iran School Strike, Questions Mount Over US Investigation and Civilian Protection Policies

The attack on a girls’ elementary school in Minab, Iran was among the deadliest civilian bombardments involving U.S. forces in recent history. Nearly four months later, the Pentagon has yet to provide answers regarding why the military launched a Tomahawk cruise missile into the school on the first day of hostilities, resulting in at least 175 fatalities, the majority of them children.

Critics now question whether the Pentagon will ever release findings, potentially shielding them behind classified designations to conceal what some describe as catastrophic errors from public scrutiny.

As the U.S. finalizes a fragile ceasefire agreement with Iran, the ongoing investigation has become a litmus test for new Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s concept of “warfighting.” In early March—nearly two weeks after the strike—Hegseth asserted, “our rules of engagement are bold, precise and designed to unleash American power, not shackle it.”

Shortly after the Minab attack, Donald Trump initially blamed Iran for the bombing. Once it became clear a U.S.-supplied Tomahawk missile caused the damage—Iran lacks access to such weapons—Trump suggested Iran itself must have obtained the missile.

During a recent press conference at the G7 in Évian-les-Bains, France, Trump dismissed questions about accountability: “It’s such a strange question to be asked at this date, because you’re talking about a long time ago… Nobody did that on purpose.”

The strikes occurred at the start of what Trump describes as a “limited excursion” into Iran. They targeted a site reportedly believed to be an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) facility, but the double-tap missile barrage killed primarily children under age 12.

Mohammadreza Ahmadi Tifakani lost both daughters in the attack. His seven-year-old, Hanieh, perished along with classmates in the girls’ section during the first detonation. Witnesses say her ten-year-old brother Sobhan survived initially but returned to search for her, dying in the second explosion.

“I personally identified both children at the morgue,” Tifakani said. “Sobhan was missing an eye, half his face was gone, and his legs were broken. Hanieh had a fractured skull, though her face remained intact. I recognized Sobhan immediately despite his injuries.”

Former Pentagon and national security officials express skepticism that the U.S. will acknowledge responsibility for the schoolchildren’s deaths or release comprehensive findings.

“It’s expected that military operations involve some mistaken targeting and civilian casualties,” noted a former senior Pentagon official. “But there’s a standard process for investigation, accountability, and responsibility. I highly doubt the Hegsuth Pentagon will follow through.”

The incident ranks among the gravest civilian massacres in modern U.S. conflicts, comparable to the 2017 Mosul strike that killed at least 105 civilians, the 2015 Kunduz hospital attack claiming 42 lives, and the 1991 Amiriyah shelter bombing that claimed over 400 Iraqi civilians during Desert Storm.

According to internal military sources, preliminary findings indicate outdated targeting data failed to reflect that the building adjacent to an IRGC site was actually a girls’ school. The New York Times reported that analysts had warned years prior the location was being converted to educational use, yet officials continued validating it as a legitimate target.

Asked about justice for his daughters, Tifakani replied: “They witnessed everything themselves. We saw what happened in Gaza and Palestine. Now the same tragedy has struck our children. No matter what we say, it won’t change anything.”

Congressional inquiries have likewise encountered obstacles.

“Iranian-American Congresswoman Yassamin Ansari, who represents Arizona’s third district, called it “one of the most horrific episodes of the illegal Trump war in Iran.” She said she received “little to no response” after requesting answers from the administration, accusing Trump of concealing “the true horrors” while deflecting blame onto Hegseth.

Wes Bryant, a former Air Force special operations targeting expert and ex-chief of civilian harm assessments at the Pentagon, stated that remaining oversight personnel have been barred from accessing preliminary investigation findings.

“I believe Hegseth and Trump will suppress this investigation,” Bryant said. “Even if it exists, it won’t be released without a brave whistleblower. Very few people will have visibility into that report.”

The Pentagon’s reduction of civilian oversight under Hegseth—including dismantling units reviewing civilian harm incidents—has raised alarms about accountability. A May inspector general report concluded the military lacks personnel, tools, and infrastructure to meet statutory requirements for civilian casualty management and operates no longer maintains a functioning Civilian Protection Center of Excellence.

Hegseth’s elimination of “stupid rules of engagement” as part of an anti-woke Pentagon overhaul included declaring that battlefield decisions by “warfighters” warrant minimal scrutiny. His March statement that operators now enjoy “maximum authorities granted personally by the president and yours truly” exemplifies this shift.

Human rights advocates argue these changes erode safeguards against reckless errors and large-scale civilian harm.

“Hegseth has openly questioned previous mitigation measures and taken steps weakening protections meant to ensure compliance with international law,” said Niku Jafarnia of Human Rights Watch. “We saw the consequences on day one of the war.”

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