Trump Criticizes Iranian Negotiators as IRGC Gains Dominance in U.S. Talks

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Fox News senior strategic analyst retired Gen. Jack Keane analyzes the latest U.S. strikes on Iran, the Strait of Hormuz’s strategic importance and breaks down Ukraine’s request for more aid on ‘America’s Newsroom.’

President Donald Trump expressed growing frustration with Iranian negotiators on Wednesday, accusing them of dishonesty and deception, while recent escalations have highlighted a deeper challenge for the U.S. administration: uncertainty over whether negotiators have the authority to secure a viable agreement.

“I don’t know if we’re going to have a deal. We may just do it without a deal,” Trump stated at the NATO summit in Ankara. “These people, they lie and they cheat.”

However, Trump’s concerns extend beyond individual negotiators. Following the death of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, questions persist about who in Tehran holds the authority to negotiate and enforce terms.

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Tehran has launched a new social media front, including an influence campaign targeting Americans to undermine President Trump’s nuclear deal efforts. (Hamed Malekpour / Middle East Images / AFP via Getty Images)

Mojtaba Khamenei succeeded his father as supreme leader after the elder Khamenei’s death in the initial U.S.-Israeli attacks on Feb. 28. However, Mojtaba has not appeared publicly since, and U.S. assessments cited by Reuters indicate authority is now dispersed among senior Revolutionary Guard commanders and civilian officials.

Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, a former IRGC commander and head of Iran’s negotiating team, has emerged as a key political figure.

Banafsheh Zand, an Iranian-American journalist and editor of the Iran So Far Away Substack, noted that power within the Islamic Republic has fragmented since Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s death, with the IRGC now serving as the dominant force.

“The person who is negotiating with the U.S. is not necessarily someone who is endorsed by the others,” Zand told Fox News Digital.

She outlined competing power centers, including IRGC commander-in-chief Ahmad Vahidi, Quds Force commander Esmail Qaani, and former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif.

Vahidi oversees the IRGC’s military structure, while Qaani manages external operations and ties with allied groups. Zarif remains linked to the accommodationist faction that previously advocated for negotiations and sanctions relief.

“The hardliners, in terms of their political presence, have also been pushed aside,” Zand said. “So really, it’s the IRGC. And within the IRGC, whoever signs the deal is not necessarily signing on behalf of everybody else. They’re signing on behalf of their own factions.”

Her analysis underscores a critical challenge: Iran’s negotiators, institutions, and military leaders may interpret agreements differently or lack the will to implement them.

U.S. RECANTS KEY CONCESSION TO IRAN FOLLOWING ATTACKS ON COMMERCIAL SHIPS IN STRAIT OF HORMUZ

Iran’s Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi were received by Pakistan Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar and Army Chief Field Marshal Gen. Asim Munir at Nur Khan airbase in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, on April 11, 2026. (Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affairs/AP)

Despite Trump’s declaration, diplomacy has not been entirely abandoned. Behnam Ben Taleblu, senior director of the Iran program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, suggested clear signs of renewed action would include reinstating the U.S. blockade, deploying additional military forces, or imposing new sanctions.

Otherwise, he said, Trump may continue operating in the “gray zone” between negotiations and conflict while maintaining flexibility.

The central dilemma remains: Why would Tehran risk sanctions relief and confront U.S. military might when its capabilities have already been significantly weakened?

Iran’s leadership, according to Taleblu, believes escalation is vital to the regime’s survival.

“This is a regime that is weaker, but lethal, and less capable, but more confident,” he said. Iran’s leaders view their adversaries’ economic and military vulnerabilities in the Gulf as opportunities, while the regime itself is more willing to endure destruction.

People hold placards featuring Iran’s new supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei and late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei during a gathering supporting Mojtaba Khamenei amid the U.S.-Israeli conflict, in Tehran, Iran, March 9, 2026. (Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) Via Reuters)

“Their survival and their military success and their political success runs through more, not less, escalation,” he said.

Lisa Daftari, a foreign policy analyst and editor-in-chief of The Foreign Desk, agrees the escalation is intentional, using instability as leverage.

“By targeting commercial shipping and Arab states, the regime is signaling that it can hold global energy flows and America’s regional partners hostage to extract leverage, distract from its domestic crisis, and test U.S. red lines,” Daftari told Fox News Digital.

She argued Tehran bets that Washington and Arab allies will avoid prolonged conflict and eventually capitulate.

“The regime’s core weapon is time,” Daftari said. “By escalating in the Persian Gulf and attacking ships and Arab states, they are creating rolling crises that raise the cost of confronting them while they consolidate power at home.”

Daftari emphasized that this strategy aligns with the Islamic Republic’s enduring approach, not a temporary reaction.

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Firefighters respond to damage caused by Iranian drone attacks in Bahrain (Reuters)

“This regime was never designed to be reformed or softened,” she said. “What they are showing us now is exactly who they intend to remain: a hardline, revolutionary regime determined to stay in power.”

The strategy’s implementation, however, faces internal divisions. Tehran’s authority structure remains fragmented, raising doubts about who directs escalation and whether negotiators can commit the broader security apparatus.

This division is evident in the dispute over the Strait of Hormuz.

A Middle Eastern source familiar with the issue told Fox News Digital that Iran and the U.S. have conflicting interpretations of Clause Five of the memorandum. The public text states Iran will use its “best efforts” to ensure safe commercial passage through the strait for 60 days, removing military obstacles and conducting demining. It does not explicitly require foreign vessels to seek Iran’s approval or use designated routes.

The source explained that Iran interprets the clause as granting it responsibility to coordinate shipping and set vessel routes during the interim. The U.S. sees it as lifting Iran’s maritime blockade and fully reopening the waterway.

When the parties disagree on a single clause, how will they draft a comprehensive treaty, the source questioned.

Iran regards control over Strait of Hormuz shipping as a critical leverage point against the U.S., Gulf states, and the global economy, the source said, “That is the heart of the matter.”

The truck carrying the coffins of the slain Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and family members passes through mourners during the funeral procession toward Azadi Tower in Tehran, Iran, on Monday, July 6, 2026. (Vahid Salemi/AP)

Experts suggest Tehran faces no straightforward choice between yielding to Trump’s pressure or resuming negotiations. Ben Taleblu noted the regime believes its survival hinges on “more, not less, escalation,” while Daftari emphasized it is “playing out the clock” through recurring crises. This raises the likelihood that even if Iranian officials return to talks, the IRGC will persist in targeting commercial shipping, U.S. interests, and allies to maintain leverage and advance its domestic position.

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