Ukrainian long‑range drone attacks on Russian oil refineries have triggered severe fuel shortages throughout the nation. These strikes have forced Moscow, a leading hydrocarbon producer, to source fuel internationally. Additionally, Ukraine has compromised Russian supply lines north of the Sea of Azov, precipitating acute shortages and blackouts in the occupied Crimean peninsula.
The assaults have produced striking footage of burning refineries and generated sensational headlines proclaiming ‘Russia Is Losing.’
However, these actions have not yet altered President Vladimir Putin’s strategic calculations. After a period of silence, Putin acknowledged that the attacks have inflicted genuine hardship on Russia. Rather than softening his peace proposals — as Ukraine and its partners had anticipated — he has projected defiance and theatrical confidence.
In a statement released on June 23, he emphasized that he has not retreated from his demands. He insists that any peace treaty be grounded in the framework agreement reached during the spring‑2022 Istanbul negotiations, which envisioned Ukrainian neutrality and a limit on the size of its armed forces, among other provisions.
Nevertheless, a number of additional demands have accumulated over the past four and a half years of conflict. Putin describes this as ‘reality on the ground,’ referring to all territories Russia currently occupies, which it seeks to retain.
Moreover, he has introduced another euphemism — ‘Anchorage modality’ — which alludes to the framework discussed at the inconclusive Alaska summit between Putin and former U.S. President Donald Trump in August 2025. This term encapsulates Russia’s demand that Ukraine relinquish control over the portions of Donbas it presently administers.
Finally, Putin has dangerously expanded his territorial claims beyond Donbas to what he terms ‘Novorossiya’ — a loosely defined geographical concept rooted in the historical province that covered present‑day southern Ukraine. The ambiguity is likely deliberate, ranging from an maximalist objective of seizing the port city of Odesa to a more modest, yet still painful, requirement that Kyiv withdraw from the uncontested portion of the Zaporizhia region in addition to Donbas.
Putin’s decision to double down on these demands likely stems from the relative stability within Russia. Despite the dramatic imagery of burning refineries and fuel‑station queues, most Russians have endured far greater hardships in living memory.
Following the Soviet Union’s collapse in the early 1990s, the country experienced nationwide political upheaval, succeeded by two Chechen wars and a series of deadly terrorist attacks, including the Dubrovka theater hostage crisis and the Beslan school siege.
In terms of economic hardship, the vast majority of Russians continue to enjoy a standard of living comparable to that of poorer European Union members, a stark contrast to the conditions they faced during the 1990s.
Most importantly, the Russian war experience is worlds apart from that of Ukrainians, who have endured far more brutal Russian aerial bombardments, lived through winter in unheated apartments, and constantly evaded violent conscription gangs that roam Ukrainian towns and villages in search of men.
Ukraine itself offers the clearest illustration of how a post‑Soviet state can endure severe hardship without triggering mass protests or military mutinies against its government.
Russia initially employed the same strategy of targeting refineries against Ukraine. The Ukrainians adapted, and the Russians are likely to do the same.
Fuel shortages cause discomfort, but Russia’s oil and gas production remains intact. These sectors continue to underpin the economy, enabling the country to sustain its war effort while adapting to challenges from Ukraine and the Western alliance.
A March paper from the U.S. think tank Carnegie Center on the prospects for Russian oil production argues that Russia’s challenges are “well within the Kremlin’s and the oil industry’s capacity to cope with headwinds and adversity” over the next three to five years — a critical period for achieving victory. In the months after the paper’s release, Russia bolstered its coffers with billions of additional petrodollars, benefiting from Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz, and now finds itself in a still stronger position.
Conversely, Ukraine is entirely dependent on Western aid, which has become increasingly difficult to secure. After losing its primary benefactor, the United States, it now relies existentialy on European governments — particularly Britain, France, and Germany — who are themselves under intense political pressure from far‑right factions to curtail financing for Ukraine.
Last week, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced a 40‑day “influence operation,” involving intensified drone strikes, aimed at pressuring Russia into accepting a settlement on terms more favorable to Ukraine.
However, Russia is not passive; it has launched its own campaign to disable petrol stations on the left bank of the Dnipro River, seeking to choke off supplies for the Ukrainian military and civilian population.
While Ukraine and its Western allies may devise another surprise maneuver that could inflict further pain on Russia, it is equally plausible that Zelenskyy’s 40‑day campaign will yield mixed results, leaving the broader strategic picture largely unchanged.
The most critical objective that Ukraine has yet failed to achieve is halting the Russian ground offensive. Despite Western media heralding Moscow’s anticipated defeat, Russian forces are actively consolidating control over Kostiantynivka, the inaugural city in a chain of industrial centers comprising northern Donbas — the primary prize of the current phase of the conflict.
Official and expert Russian commentary reflects the view that the Ukrainian drone campaign is primarily a public‑relations effort designed to persuade U.S. President Donald Trump to reinstate support for Ukraine.
As with many seasoned observers of Ukraine, Russians experience a sense of déjà vu, recalling similar PR surges that accompanied Ukraine’s failed 2023 counteroffensive and the subsequent incursion into Russia’s Kursk region.
The trajectory of the conflict suggests that the current surge could easily trigger further, more alarming escalations, potentially prompting the Kremlin to raise its demanded price for peace. Ultimately, Ukraine may secure little beyond additional suffering and losses.
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