New and existing defense programs are likely to encounter funding delays or complications as the upcoming Democratic Congress prepares to launch anti‑corruption investigations targeting firms with close White House ties. Until that transition, the industry will contend with a final push for appropriations by the current Republican majority.
Mark Cancian, a government‑budget expert and senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said, “There’ll be a lot of pressure on the Republicans to get something passed during the lame‑duck session because they know how hard it will be after that. And defense hawks will be pushing very hard.”
While Republicans’ ability to muster enough votes for a $350 billion reconciliation package appears uncertain, securing the roughly $1.1 trillion base budget is “quite doable,” he noted.
However, the tighter funding ceiling—combined with the prospect of another continuing resolution—means the Pentagon will have to choose which programs receive money. “At $1.5 trillion, the Pentagon could do everything… A $1.1 trillion budget will require them to make trade‑offs—which systems get protected will be an important question,” Cancian said.
Overall, defense spending traditionally commands bipartisan support, but this year the U.S.–Israel conflict with Iran has become a political flashpoint, from the Trump administration’s unilateral launch of the war without congressional approval to its downstream economic repercussions.
Again, the administration has linked funding for several high‑profile national‑security initiatives—most notably the White House’s massive missile‑defense effort called Golden Dome, certain shipbuilding projects, and munitions production—to a supplemental appropriations bill rather than the regular defense budget.
A failure to secure that supplemental money could curb some of the Pentagon’s modernization programs, warned Shaun McDougall, lead defense analyst for Forecast International. If Congress passes a long‑term continuing resolution instead of a new fiscal‑year 2027 budget, the Army would be unable to begin work on its MV‑75 program to replace the UH‑60 Black Hawk or its Bradley replacement, the XM‑30. “They’re wanting to start production on those using FY27 funds,” McDougall said.
Navy shipbuilding programs that would be affected include new submarine tenders and work on the upcoming frigate, while the Air Force has several missile initiatives and the collaborative combat aircraft program at risk.
When that stopgap funding expires, it may be replaced by another continuing resolution—or, if disputes over using the Iran war as a bargaining chip arise, result in a government shutdown. “You have the possibility of a government shutdown if there’s disagreement over using the Iran War as a bargaining chip or something like that. So there’s a lot of potential for budget disruptions, and that’s been one of the big struggles for the Pentagon in general,” McDougall said.
Conversely, Democrats could opt to pass the more‑than‑$1 trillion defense budget to cover major expenditures such as munitions. In that scenario, “the war funding is essentially covered” if the base budget includes “a little flexibility to move money around,” CSIS’s Cancian observed. “The biggest piece is munitions,” though other operational costs of the Iran war would likely be included as well.
Moreover, even as polarizing as the Iran war is, the stockpiles of the high‑order munitions that have been expended must be replenished. “Democrats obviously aren’t happy with the war and how it’s going, but replacing all those munitions, it has to be done, whether you support how those munitions were used up in the first place,” McDougall noted.
Under the microscope
A Democrat‑led Congress is expected to launch an anti‑corruption drive, targeting firms with close ties to the White House and the broader Trump administration, according to Kristina Moore, a partner at the Washington, D.C. law firm Womble Bond Dickinson. The “first wave of investigations” would likely examine whether family members close to the president or the administration gained an unfair advantage or direct financial benefit from transactions such as acquisitions, mergers, government loans, or contracts. “Was a contribution made, say to the White House ballroom, and—close in time—a policy outcome or a contracting decision?” she asked.
Subsequent oversight and defense committees may scrutinize specific policies for potential wrongdoing. “Venezuela, Iran, drones, AI use: What is that oversight angle there? Was there a no‑bid contract awarded in one of those scenarios? What influenced the administration’s policy? Who benefited from a change in the administration policy? And then there’s simply who holds information,” which could be of interest to investigators, said Moore, a former congressional investigator.
Such investigations mean companies must manage public perception and anticipate risks arising from congressional scrutiny. “They operate in the court of public opinion. Who are those third parties that might be amplifying this? What is that specific risk that exists because Congress cares about us? And what’s our fact pattern…our narrative?” she asked. “Is there any alignment between what the Congress is looking for in our actions or activities?” and is there “internal awareness of what people were saying to the administration?” Additionally, a firm’s general counsel, regardless of size, “might not be fully aware of conversations that were happening or reasons why things were happening, and you have to do due diligence.”
Moreover, a wave of freshman legislators is likely to “want to make a splash,” she noted. “You’re going to have different personalities brought to bear…House Oversight is aggressive. It’s going to be populated with freshmen that want to show a win…they want to use social media to amplify their tough questioning.” She added, “The goal for Democrats is going to be ‘how do we coordinate and not step on each other,’ but the tension is going to be, ‘this needs to be investigated and I want to do it now and I’ve got this pressure to do it now.’”
A mixed bag for Golden Dome
The new Congress may also compel the Pentagon to make tough spending choices and work more collaboratively across the aisle to secure funding. “There’ll be a lot of pressure to work with Democrats, particularly with the Pentagon. The current team has not been very good at that. In fact, they’ve been quite outspoken in their contempt for Congress. But now, if they want to get any bills through, they’re going to have to talk to Democrats and make deals,” Cancian said. “That will add pressure to get a new team in there…because they need a team in there who can deal with the Democrats.”
While missile defense is traditionally a bipartisan issue, portions of the Trump administration’s Golden Dome initiative could face increased scrutiny under a Democratic Congress. “It’s kind of a mixed bag. Some portions of Golden Dome, before it was called Golden Dome, were already well underway under the Biden administration—missile interceptors, space‑based tracking, space‑based communications to support connecting the interceptors and the sensors. So there’s generally broad support for that,” McDougall said. However, “implementation of their space‑based interceptor layer, that’s one of the controversial areas where Congress could put up some roadblocks. And we’ve already seen some pretty big contract movement on that space‑based interceptor layer.”
Investigating Golden Dome’s space‑based interceptor layer could bring SpaceX, led by Elon Musk, under the Congressional microscope. “SpaceX’s involvement at such a large scale could be something that lawmakers will want to examine further,” McDougall said. “Democrats are going to have a much closer eye on some of that work because they’ve received a couple real big contracts for their space‑based air moving target indicator, and then their space data network. And now those are part of the broad sensing layer and communications layer that has already been worked on.”
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