Diaspora Calls for Israeli Unity Overlook Domestic Political Realities

Offering counsel from a distance is effortless when one bears no consequence for the outcome. That dynamic is on full display as progressive voices in the American Jewish community urge Israel’s opposition parties to discard campaign pledges and form a coalition with Arab factions solely to unseat Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

The desire to end Netanyahu’s lengthy tenure is understandable, yet the price of such a maneuver warrants scrutiny. Israel has already tested a government reliant on Arab partners during Naftali Bennett’s premiership; predicting the outcome of a similar experiment remains speculative.

The previous configuration involved Ra’am, led by Mansour Abbas, whose pragmatic approach earned him a reputation as a reasonable and cooperative partner among those who worked with him.

However, the Arab parties that gained strength in the recent election do not necessarily share that disposition. Several are not sympathetic to the Jewish state’s founding vision and are not participants in the Zionist project.

For a nation dedicated to Theodor Herzl’s dream of a secure Jewish homeland, the ideological chasm between potential coalition partners is a primary concern. While distant observers champion a pluralistic government, they may underestimate the breadth of that divide.

The Joint List—an alliance comprising the Hadash and Ta’al factions—defines its platform around Palestinian nationalism, civil equality, and opposition to right-wing policies. Its leaders, including Hadash’s Yousef Jabareen and Ta’al’s Ahmad Tibi, maintain that many Israeli policies are inherently racist and detrimental to Arab citizens.

Despite a stated willingness to cooperate with opposition figures like Gadi Eisenkot, these parties demand significant concessions for their support. Those demands include an IDF withdrawal from Gaza and an ambiguous “end to the occupation.”

The terminology is dangerously vague. In pro-Palestinian discourse, “ending the occupation” frequently invokes the “from the river to the sea” framework, which envisions a Middle East devoid of a Jewish presence. Should not the precise meaning of such a phrase be clarified before it becomes a condition of governance?

While the Joint List advocates for “full civil, national, and democratic equality for Palestinian citizens of Israel,” its interpretation of ending the occupation could effectively grant superior status to its constituency. The true intent remains opaque.

Recognising Israel as a Jewish State

A further obstacle is the refusal to formally recognize Israel as a Jewish state. For these parties, that acknowledgment appears to be a bridge too far.

The analogy to a marriage in which one partner refuses to pledge fidelity is apt. Such a foundation lacks the trust required for a durable partnership and signals an eventual fracture.

The refusal to designate Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist organizations—or to acknowledge their genocidal ideology—compounds the problem. An alliance with actors who cannot identify such threats to humanity raises profound questions about shared values and security commitments.

Many Israelis are eager for change. The vision for the country includes full equality and opportunity for all loyal citizens, irrespective of background, predicated on the fundamental acceptance of a Jewish homeland.

As the adage warns, a house divided against itself cannot stand. Any agreement to incorporate Arab parties into the government must be rigorously vetted to ensure their positions do not paralyze the leadership’s ability to advance a shared vision benefiting the entire populace.

That verdict remains pending, given the substantial impediments to building a constructive future together. These complexities are often lost on observers abroad, who may overlook the pitfalls of a hasty replacement for a status quo that has failed many sectors of Israeli society.

The charter of the next coalition should echo the prophet Jeremiah: “For I know the plans I have for you,” declares the Lord, “plans to prosper you and not to harm you, plans to give you hope and a future” (29:11). If every faction approached the state with that commitment, Israel could realize its greatest potential for Jews and Arabs alike.

Quick fixes are tempting, but there are no shortcuts to building the trust and unity required of those entrusted with the nation’s safety. While total agreement is unrealistic, a mutual commitment to strive for harmony—and the humility to shoulder the weight of governance—is non-negotiable.

The politics of a nation woven from diverse faiths, backgrounds, and identities are inherently complex. A unity government may be the optimal formula for serving the majority, but only if anchored in fidelity to core principles—beginning with the uncompromising ideal of a Jewish homeland.

Others may reside here, but they do so under the auspices of a Zionist entity dedicated to the Jewish people’s return to their ancestral home. Respect for that foundational concept must be active and explicit, including from Arab political parties seeking a role in government.

For those on the outside, the business of governing should remain with those who call Israel home—until they are ready to put skin in the game by moving here.

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