The European Commission has proposed a sweeping reform of Frontex, the EU’s border and coast guard agency, granting it unprecedented powers to deport irregular migrants, monitor social media, and respond rapidly to mass arrivals at external borders.
The overhaul would significantly expand Frontex’s mandate, triple its workforce, and assign it a far greater role in return operations extending beyond EU territory. Brussels argues the changes are essential to address evolving migration challenges, including orchestrated border crossings such as the arrival of an estimated 80,000 people in the Spanish enclave of Ceuta last July. However, the proposals have immediately sparked controversy, with critics warning that expanded powers and budget could lead to fundamental rights violations and intrusive surveillance. The reform requires approval from EU member states and the European Parliament.
New Focus on Deportations
One of the most significant shifts redirects Frontex’s focus from border management toward the deportation of irregular migrants. The agency would become the “central EU actor on returns,” providing “support from A to Z,” according to EU Migration Commissioner Magnus Brunner.
While the legal responsibility for returning migrants to their countries of origin remains with individual EU states, Frontex would assist by identifying individuals for return, operating charter flights, and providing reintegration support through a new Return Coordination Centre. Crucially, the agency would be authorized to operate from one non-EU country to another—a major departure allowing officials to facilitate deportations before migrants reach Europe. This includes participation in removals from “return hubs” located outside the EU, recently authorized under separate legislation.
Civil society organizations argue this system would be opaque and difficult to scrutinize. “The Commission wants to turn Frontex into a deportation agency operating far beyond Europe’s borders, where abuses will be harder to expose,” said Iftach Cohen, co-director of NGO Front-LEX. Cooperation with third countries would require specific agreements negotiated by the Commission and approved by member states and Parliament.
“This is shameful and makes Frontex closer and closer to Donald Trump’s ICE,” said Italian socialist MEP Cecilia Strada, referencing the controversial U.S. immigration enforcement agency. Frontex’s new tasks would be supported by a separate regulation to “digitalize” returns, streamlining administrative procedures through data sharing among member states. Groups such as Statewatch have warned of risks associated with excessive data collection.
New Powers to Monitor Social Media
Frontex would also be tasked with monitoring social media to detect people-smuggling advertisements and anticipate mass arrivals. An EU official acknowledged the proposal was partly a response to the Ceuta crisis, where extensive messaging and misinformation on social platforms preceded the mass crossing.
“If we have a sort of real-time ability to see these things happening upstream, then it’s possible then to envisage reactions,” the official said. A new “Online Monitoring and Response Centre” would be established within Frontex, empowered to identify illegal content, flag it to platforms, and trigger removal requests to competent authorities. “The digital dimension is not a technical annexe to the Frontex reform, it is one of its main enablers,” said Henna Virkkunen, Commission Vice-President for Tech Sovereignty and Security.
National authorities would retain responsibility for determining the legality of content. Frontex would apply for “trusted flagger” status, subject to national approval, ensuring its flags receive priority assessment. Critics, however, warn the powers could enable intrusive online surveillance threatening privacy and freedom of expression. “Social media surveillance poses serious risks to people’s data,” said French Green MEP Mélissa Camara.
Even far-right MEPs, typically supportive of stricter border controls, have raised objections. “We will not accept the fight against traffickers on social media becoming a pretext for monitoring citizens’ opinions. We will make no concessions and we will not sign blank checks,” said Susanna Ceccardi of Italy’s League, signaling a contentious parliamentary debate ahead.
A Rapid Reaction Force
The reform would establish a Quick Reaction Force, another measure inspired by the Ceuta crisis. This specialized unit could be deployed on short notice to an EU country’s external border during emergencies, enabling faster response to sudden arrival surges. Deployment decisions rest with Frontex’s Executive Director but only following a request from the affected member state. The reform maintains the subordination of Frontex officials to national authorities.
Tripling of Staff
The expanded mandate comes with a substantial increase in personnel, funding, and equipment. The Commission aims to triple Frontex’s workforce to 30,000 officers by 2041, up from the current 10,000. The agency’s standing corps—responsible for border patrols—would double from 3,000 to 6,000 officers, supplemented by 7,000 officers seconded from national police forces. A new “European border and return reserve” of 17,000 officers would remain in their home countries until deployment is necessary.
“Officers in the reserve would be trained up to Frontex’s standards and made available for quick deployment. But they are still part of the national resources and will not be paid out of the Frontex budget,” an EU official explained. Frontex currently receives nearly €6 billion in the EU budget, with the Commission proposing a doubling of funding for the 2028–2034 cycle. Under the new mandate, the agency could acquire, lease, and co-own equipment such as surveillance drones and AI-enabled tools, acting as a central purchasing body for joint procurement with member states—currently, it relies on equipment provided by national forces.
The personnel and resource increase would not be matched by a proportional rise in Fundamental Rights Officers (FROs), the team monitoring rights compliance in returns and border operations. The FRO team size is decided “on an annual basis, based on resources,” an official stated, deepening NGO concerns. “This proposal massively expands Frontex’s powers to track, control and deport, without introducing stronger human rights safeguards,” said Chiara Catelli, advocacy officer at PICUM, a Brussels-based migrants’ rights NGO. “All this for an agency with a track record of allegations of complicity in fundamental rights violations.”
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