Otzma Yehudit, founded in 2012, is one of many parties vying for citizens’ votes in the elections for the 26th Knesset, scheduled for October 27.
The party, whose name translates to “Jewish Power,” is led by National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir and ranks as the far‑right party in Israel’s political spectrum. Its origins lie in the political movement established by students of Rabbi Meir Kahane.
During the 2022 election, Otzma Yehudit ran as part of a joint list with Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich’s Religious Zionist Party and Noam, led by MK Avi Maoz. That alliance secured 14 seats, with six going to Otzma Yehudit.
For the 2026 election, Ben‑Gvir chose to run separately from Smotrich, claiming the two parties serve fundamentally distinct electorates. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu urged the parties to reunite, but Ben‑Gvir declined.
Its Knesset list, finalized in September, places Ben‑Gvir first followed by former Likud MK Tally Gotliv, who joined Otzma Yehudit after publicly disputing Netanyahu. Gotliv accused Netanyahu of sabotaging her candidacy in the Likud primary, resulting in her departure from the ruling party.
Gotliv is followed by Development of the Negev and Galilee and National Resilience Minister Yitzhak Wasserlauf, Heritage Minister Amichai Eliyahu, MKs Limor Son Har‑Melach and Yitzhak Kreuzer, and newcomers Hanamel Dorfman and Tzahi Eliyahu.
Otzma Yehudit is currently polling at approximately eight‑to‑ten seats.
Ben‑Gvir’s Ambitions – and Otzma Yehudit’s Red Lines
Otzma Yehudit’s most explicit political boundaries concern the composition of any future government, especially the inclusion of parties outside Netanyahu’s right‑wing camp.
Ben‑Gvir has opposed forming a unity government that would integrate opposition parties into the current right‑wing bloc. During the campaign, he accused Netanyahu of plotting a “left‑wing government” with his main rival Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar Party while excluding Otzma Yehudit.
He has also sought to block Arab parties from entering the next Knesset. Recently, Ben‑Gvir petitioned the Central Elections Committee to bar Ra’am and its leader Mansour Abbas from contesting the elections, condemning the party as “Hamas‑supporting terrorists” and “wolves in sheep’s clothing.”
Where Otzma Yehudit Stands on Gaza, the West Bank, and Palestinian Statehood
Otzma Yehudit’s platform is overwhelmingly centered on Israel’s immediate security environment, with Gaza, terrorism, and control of security policy among the party’s core concerns.
According to Ben‑Gvir, the party’s central mission for the coming Knesset is to pursue a stricter security policy—particularly concerning Gaza and terrorism. Otzma Yehudit frames its approach around Jewish national sovereignty, a forceful response to violence, expanded resources for civil servants and police, and opposition to creating a Palestinian state.
Ben‑Gvir argues that Israel should shift from a policy of containment to offensive action against terrorism. In 2023, the party boycotted coalition work over what it described as the government’s inadequate response to terror and its containment strategy.
Gaza has long been pivotal in Ben‑Gvir’s security agenda. He has called for markedly more aggressive military action, stating in August that Israel should conduct nightly strikes that kill dozens of Palestinians. Ben‑Gvir insists Israel must aim for a total military victory rather than ceasefires or hostage deals. In 2025, the party briefly left coalition talks because of an unwanted ceasefire on hostages before returning once Israeli operations in Gaza resumed.
In September 2026, Ben‑Gvir introduced the “Disengagement 710” plan, which proposes encouraging the voluntary emigration of Gaza residents and creating a government ministry to oversee implementation. The scheme forecasts 250,000 departures in the first year and roughly 1.86 million over seven years.
On the West Bank and the question of Palestinian statehood, Ben‑Gvir and Otzma Yehudit have consistently championed security policies favoring continued Israeli control over claims within the Land of Israel. Their camp has also repeatedly voiced support for extending Israeli sovereignty over disputed territories.
Ben‑Gvir’s stance has sometimes created friction with diplomatic considerations. His rejection of ceasefires, his hardlines on Gaza, and his position on the territory have drawn tension from Israel’s international partners.
Ben‑Gvir’s Domestic Agenda and Push for Political Power
Beyond security and foreign policy, Otzma Yehudit leverages its governing role to reshape the judiciary, amplify political influence, and advance its vision of Jewish sovereignty.
The party’s electoral history reflects these priorities. Its performance in government mirrors those same agenda items.
Ben‑Gvir has backed the government’s 2023 judicial reforms and opposed attempts to water them down. Following the parliament’s adoption of the law curtailing courts’ use of the reasonableness standard in July 2023—a milestone he called “just the beginning”—he insisted the remaining provisions should pass unopposed.
As defence minister, the prime cabinet member has supported altering the mechanics of judge selection, while Otzma Yehudit has pressed for greater political sway over judiciary appointments. The party’s coalition pact secured a spot on the Judicial Selection Committee, and MK Kreuzer served as that committee’s representative in 2023.
The group has also mobilized coalition leverage to block legislation it views as threatening the party’s interests. Ongoing disputes over enforcement mechanisms prompted a faction vote against coalition proposals in 2024, and later that year, Ben‑Gvir directed Otzma Yehudit ministers and MLK’s to reject the 2025 budget, citing unresolved funding shortfalls for the National Security Ministry.
The party sponsored and ultimately enacted the death‑penalty bill for terrorists, pushing through its final readings in March 2026 by a 62‑48 majority, though no executions have occurred to date.
Otzma Yehudit also emphasizes issues of Jewish ownership and religious‑national policy.
Ben‑Gvir frequently visits the Temple Mount, and in July 2026 he stated that Jews praying there felt they were “the rightful owners” of the site.
The party has opposed government actions it deems restrictive of Jewish settlement expansion in the West Bank. Notably, in 2023 it boycotted the legislature over the evacuation of settlers from Evyatar, labeling the decision contrary to coalition commitments and right‑wing doctrine.
Figure: An election‑campaign poster for Otzma Yehudit appears at the Mahane Yehuda Market, Jerusalem, September 2, 2026 (credit: CHAI GOLDBERG/FLASH90).
What a Vote for This Party Is Likely to Produce
Supporting Otzma Yehudit would enable Ben‑Gvir to claim a dominant position in any subsequent right‑wing government. By breaking free from a coalition umbrella, the party aims to emerge as an independent right‑leaning force, giving Ben‑Gvir greater bargaining power in coalition talks should a far‑right administration be chosen.
Though internally fractured, Otzma Yehudit stays tightly linked to Netanyahu’s right‑wing bloc, with Ben‑Gvir insisting a strong iteration is essential to reconstituting a wholly right‑wing coalition.
Ben‑Gvir has hinted that he will demand senior ministries—specifically the defence portfolio—and even suggested placing Gotliv as justice minister, though Likud officials protested such moves, noting the party does not intend to surrender key posts in future coalition negotiations.
The party’s track record and messaging clarify where it seeks outsized influence: tougher military stances in Gaza, opposition to Palestinian statehood, enhanced resources for security agencies, heightened political sway over judicial nominations, and a more assertive posture on Jewish sovereignty at contested holy sites.
A vote for Otzma Yehudit is therefore simultaneously a choice for Ben‑Gvir’s faction and a determination of how much impact the group can wield in sculpting the composition and policies of a future Netanyahu‑led right‑wing government.
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