Kurdish Communities in Syria Confront Deep Uncertainty Amid Political Integration

Syria’s Kurdish population confronts profound uncertainty following this week’s dissolution of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces and the incorporation of military and civilian institutions in northeastern Syria into the Syrian state apparatus. The changes raise critical questions regarding Kurdish rights, safety, and daily life. RFI spoke with a Kurdish civil society activist operating in the region.

The developments represent a significant turning point for a region where Kurds had established substantial political and military autonomy throughout more than a decade of civil conflict.

The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) — which functioned as the de facto military of the Kurdish administration and played a pivotal role in combating the Islamic State group — announced its dissolution on Tuesday following the integration of its forces into the Syrian army.

Damascus has additionally provided assurances concerning Kurdish rights.

On Thursday, Syria’s education ministry authorized Kurdish-language instruction alongside Arabic and English in public and private schools in areas where Kurds comprise a significant portion of the population.

This decision follows a decree signed by interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa in January that recognized the national rights of Syria’s Kurds and Kurdish as a national language — an unprecedented development since Syria achieved independence in 1946.

However, substantial questions persist regarding what these political changes will mean in practice, encompassing the future of Kurdish-language education, the return of displaced families, women’s rights, and security.

Alva Ali, founder of the Ahimsa Centre for Non-Violence in northeastern Syria, discusses with RFI how Kurds are responding to these changes and why many remain apprehensive about what lies ahead.

RFI: How have the recent announcements been received by the Kurdish population?

Alva Ali: Perspectives vary considerably. Some individuals have welcomed the news, viewing it as a new pathway toward peace and an improved future — a development that could prevent additional civilian casualties.

Others consider it troubling because they remain unaware of the concrete consequences. They cannot comprehend a decision regarding which they possess absolutely no information. They wait anxiously to learn what will happen to schools and their children’s futures. The fundamental problem is that nothing remains clear.

Syrians are entirely excluded from such decisions, and this exclusion applies particularly to Kurds. Consequently, people are frequently surprised by announcements because they have heard nothing about the negotiations.

Regarding the Kurdish population, certain leaders are conducting discussions with the Syrian government, but these leaders do not represent all Kurds.

My perspective is that those in power have changed, but we still lack genuine democracy. Syrians still do not participate in decision-making. Admittedly, dialogue has replaced warfare, which represents a positive development. However, Kurdish rights must be protected through constitutional mechanisms.

We all recognize that words and promises prove insufficient. We learned this lesson from the Bashar al-Assad regime.

We must remember that the new Syrian government was formed partly with members of former terrorist organizations and individuals who committed crimes against the Kurdish population. Naturally, this generates considerable fear among Kurds.

RFI: When Syrian government forces took control of northeastern Syria last January, there was concern among the Kurdish population that they would experience the same violence suffered by the Druze and Alawite communities the previous year. Does that fear persist?

AA: Yes, because Kurdish integration into Syria is being discussed solely at the political level. For now, nothing is being addressed regarding people’s everyday lives. Indeed, the economic situation has deteriorated following the integration of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) into the country.

Conditions have declined across the board, yet leaders appear unconcerned.

Attacks against the Kurdish population have also continued. Several weeks ago, displaced families attempted to return to their homes in Ras al-Ain, but armed groups connected to the new authorities attacked them. These individuals chose to retreat rather than return home. This situation generates tension in numerous cities.

RFI: One of the promises of the agreement reached between Kurdish authorities and Damascus last January was to allow Kurdish families who had fled the violence to return home. So far, very few families have managed to return.

AA: During conflicts, political groups systematically exploit displaced populations as tools. In this specific instance, they are being utilized to project a positive image, demonstrating that integration has succeeded. Displaced families care nothing about integration in northeastern Syria. All they desire is to return home.

However, achieving this requires genuine political commitment. They must be able to reclaim their property, which in some cases has been appropriated by others. Those whose homes were destroyed need compensation to enable reconstruction. Individuals who seized their assets must be held accountable. And, naturally, they require safety guarantees.

RFI: Within the AANES, women played a significant political and military role. More generally, women enjoyed greater rights than in other parts of the country. Do you believe their lives will be substantially affected by this political transition?

AA: It is certain they will not retain the same rights and powers. Within the AANES, a cultural system existed in which men and women shared leadership. Women also had their own organizations and played significant political and military roles.

We have received no clear guarantees. We wait, particularly to learn whether central Syrian law will apply to our region. This raises important questions regarding issues such as child marriage or polygamy. Authorities in Damascus draw inspiration from Sharia law, making it difficult to envision women retaining their rights under that framework.

RFI: You advocate for non-violence alongside the Sullam network, which brings together activists from across the country working to help build a new Syria. More than a year and a half after the fall of al-Assad’s regime, how do you view the situation in the country?

AA: The situation remains very unclear, and as I mentioned, most decisions stem from political and military agreements. To me, the Assad regime is not entirely destroyed. Bashar al-Assad and his supporters still reside in Moscow, and I remain uncertain what we will actually achieve with this revolution.

I hope the future will improve, but we cannot build genuine peace without justice.

Justice does not mean revenge. We must respond to violence without resorting to additional violence. We must listen to victims, which means fair trials for all those who have committed crimes. It also means supporting victims and preventing such crimes from recurring.

To transition from violence to peace, we must heal people, not ignore them. True peace can only begin when people have a voice, when their rights are protected, and when justice applies to everyone.

Today, it proves difficult for us as activists to make our voices heard as well. The Ahimsa Centre continues operating in northeastern Syria, and we are attempting to register our organization with the new Syrian government, but this proves challenging. For instance, they do not accept the concept of non-violence; it cannot be included in our centre’s name. We can speak of peace, but not of non-violence. Numerous factors constrain our work, and the situation remains identical across the country.

People fear speaking openly. Several months ago, we organized a webinar through the Sullam network. Some participants feared the new authorities so greatly that they attended using pseudonyms.

This article was based on an interview in French by RFI’s Oriane Verdier

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