The Liberal Democrats are not typically given to dramatic public confrontations or rhetorical flourishes when airing grievances about their leadership. Yet behind the scenes, discontent has been mounting. Over the past week, two members of Sir Ed Davey’s frontbench team resigned, citing dissatisfaction with his leadership, the party’s direction, and its policy-making processes.

The departures set the stage for a lengthy and potentially tense meeting with his parliamentary colleagues on Tuesday evening. Sir Ed arrived smiling, flanked by loyal MPs, but declined to comment as he entered the room.

Nearly four hours later, his deputy, Daisy Cooper, emerged to declare “overwhelming support for Ed in the parliamentary party and a real sense that we need to come together as a group.”

Behind closed doors, Sir Ed acknowledged the friction, telling MPs: “We have made changes. I am happy to embrace more changes. I want us to work as a united front”—a tacit admission that unity has been fraying.

In recent months, he has brought in a new chief of staff, Ruth Younger, and appointed James Holt, a veteran of the coalition years, as political director. One party figure described last week’s resignations to the BBC as a “rather Lib Dem insurrection—dissent expressed modestly.”

Neither Charlie Maynard, a former Treasury spokesman, nor Alison Bennett, a former care and carers spokeswoman, publicly detailed their reasons for leaving. Both chose to raise concerns privately and discreetly, and there was no coordination between the timing of their exits. The moves nonetheless sparked fury among some colleagues, irritated that the episode projected an image of division.

The resignations were the clearest manifestation yet of an anxiety that has simmered for over a year among some Liberal Democrat MPs. The core fear: despite holding 72 seats—the largest third-party presence in the Commons in a century—the party is failing to make a sufficient impression.

“The big frustration is the lack of cut-through, being noticed,” one figure explained. “Parliament doesn’t shape things as much as it used to. It’s about algorithms now.” They added: “In the world of social media there is an incentive, even a financial incentive, to be divisive and extreme. That’s a sandpit we refuse to play in.”

Nevertheless, the party plans to amplify its social media presence, albeit in a manner consistent with its values and temperament.

Allies of Sir Ed privately acknowledge a “small group” of unhappy MPs—estimated at no more than “half a dozen,” a phrase echoed by multiple sources. However, the broader anxiety about perceived lack of impact extends well beyond that circle.

Some previous critics have been placated by the recent staffing changes and are encouraged by the government’s engagement on issues the party champions: the European Union, electoral reform for Westminster, and social care in England. They also hope that the scale of their local campaigning operation, rather than lacklustre national polling, will prove decisive at the next general election.

Europe spokesman Al Pinkerton told the BBC the meeting featured a frank exchange of views, but that Sir Ed’s willingness to adapt had been “very well received.”

“It is a slog in the middle of a parliament, it’s hard being the third party, and it’s such an enormous leap going from 15 MPs to 72,” another attendee remarked. “But we’re getting there putting in place the structures to better deal with that and keep MPs happy.”

“Why would we get rid of our leader when no one else is pitching to be our leader? We need to let Ed get on with it,” said another MP.

All involved recognise that the underlying challenge—breaking through the noise and demonstrating impact—is real and unlikely to dissipate.

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