While smoke still lingers over parts of Serbia following recent wildfires, the lasting debate emerging in the wake of the blazes is not about firefighting, but about the country’s complex geopolitical positioning.
Earlier in August, massive wildfires engulfed over 3,500 hectares (8,600 acres) of the Deliblato Sands Special Nature Reserve. Firefighters, soldiers, and helicopters worked tirelessly for days to bring the raging flames under control.
Following the initial outbreak, a Russian Ilyushin Il-76 firefighting aircraft landed in the southern city of Niš. Serbia’s appeal to Moscow made Russia the first foreign nation requested to supply firefighting aircraft. The arrival was met with enthusiastic coverage from pro-government media, which affectionately dubbed the plane the “Russian beast.”
“Given that there are no firefighting aircraft of this capacity available within the European Union, the arrival of the Russian aircraft will significantly bolster our capabilities in combating the fires,” stated Luka Causic, head of the Serbian Interior Ministry’s Department for Emergency Situations.
A Pragmatic Plea or a Geopolitical Signal?
However, the decision was quickly interpreted through a geopolitical lens, as Belgrade requested Russian assistance before activating the European Union’s emergency response mechanism.
Once the EU mechanism was activated, Brussels responded swiftly, deploying four helicopters from its strategic rescEU reserve—based in Czechia, Romania, and Slovakia—alongside ground firefighting teams from Germany and Romania.
President Aleksandar Vučić rejected the notion that turning to Russia first constituted a foreign-policy shift or signaled a political alignment with Moscow.
“In terms of equipment and resources, we are a European giant. The helicopters we received from Europe to fight the fires are less capable and have a lower carrying capacity than our own,” Vučić stated during a visit to the Deliblato Sands.
Zelenskyy’s Visit to Belgrade
The wildfire crisis occurred just two weeks after Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy made his first official visit to Serbia.
During the visit, the two leaders reaffirmed their mutual support for territorial integrity—a significant stance for Belgrade, given Ukraine’s non-recognition of Kosovo’s independence.
However, Vučić is also striving to maintain good relations with the other side, according to Vuk Vuksanovic, a political scientist and foreign-policy lecturer at King’s College London.
Vuksanovic argues that Vučić’s engagement with Zelenskyy must be framed in Moscow not as a fundamental shift in Serbia’s relationship with Russia, but rather as a response to Western pressure and Serbia’s national interests.
“Vučić is currently attempting to ensure that neither the West nor Russia becomes an open opponent during the election campaign,” Vuksanovic noted.
“Zelenskyy was received primarily so that the ruling coalition could present itself to Europeans as a close ally of Ukraine. Similarly, Vučić is trying to present himself to the Trump administration as a strong ally of Israel, mainly to ensure that neither the European Union nor the United States becomes an opponent of the ruling party during the election campaign,” Vuksanovic added.
Vučić’s Room for Maneuver Is Shrinking
The challenge is that the space to maintain these delicate relationships may be narrowing.
As the confrontation between Russia and the West deepens, it becomes increasingly difficult for Serbia to maintain close ties with both sides without facing pressure to choose a side.
The European Union increasingly expects candidate nations to align their foreign and security policies with the bloc’s stance. Serbia’s refusal to impose sanctions on Russia remains one of the most prominent obstacles to deeper integration.
However, Moscow also has reasons not to take Belgrade’s loyalty for granted, Vuksanovic noted. He argues that Russia does not fully trust Vučić, even as Moscow continues to support his narrative regarding “color revolutions” — a reference to the student-led anti-government protests that began last year, which Vučić and Russia characterize as Western-backed attempts to destabilize the government.
For Vučić, however, the long-term question of Serbia’s ties with Russia can wait. The more pressing concern is whether he will survive the election, tentatively scheduled for October, and remain in power to preserve this delicate balance himself.
Edited by: Rob Mudge
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