Ukraine hopes to sign major defence deals with at least seven NATO countries by year’s end, per a senior official, underscoring a new facet of Kyiv’s foreign policy that positions it as both supplier and recipient of military hardware and expertise.
Kyiv has already concluded “drone deals” with six nations recently. Three are Middle Eastern states that sought Ukrainian assistance after facing Iranian-made Shahed drones during the US‑Israel conflict in spring; those same weapons have plagued Ukrainian cities for the past four years. Azerbaijan, Latvia, and Lithuania have also signed agreements.
“The initiative is termed a drone deal, but it encompasses far more than the aircraft themselves,” said Davyd Aloian, deputy secretary of Ukraine’s National Security Council and a deal overseer. “What truly matters is the expertise, know‑how, and access to the full suite of components that make the system work in Ukraine.”
The drone outreach started during the Trump administration’s pressure on Iran, when Tehran struck US allies across the region. Most Gulf states proved ill‑equipped to counter the drone threat, despite Iran fielding a less sophisticated Shahed variant than the upgraded models Russia employs against Ukraine.
In some instances, costly Patriot missiles have been expended to shoot down Shaheds, whereas inexpensive interceptor drones could suffice—provided operators possess the necessary knowledge and experience. “An interceptor drone is just a drone; it doesn’t guarantee you can down a Shahed,” Aloian cautioned. “You also need the drones’ sub‑components, sensors, ground stations, and, most critically, the radar systems.”
Following the attacks, Aloian noted that one regional country purchased interceptor drones from a Western firm that co‑developed the product with Ukrainian manufacturers. After delivery, Kyiv fielded repeated requests for operational advice on employing the systems.
Ultimately, three Gulf states—Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar—signed accords with Ukraine. Kyiv supplied each with a comprehensive assessment of the operational and tactical requirements needed to render the weapons effective.
Mike Kofman, an analyst at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, D.C., observed that Ukraine’s greatest value lies in this big‑picture integration. “They can offer an ecosystem of products for organizing air defence or building a strike‑drone capability,” he said.
The drones themselves are not yet slated for delivery under these agreements, as Ukrainian industry remains tightly regulated and prioritized for domestic defence. Diplomats and analysts suggest the drone outreach partly aims to cultivate new allies and keep Ukraine on the global agenda while attention shifts toward the Middle East. Nevertheless, as the world’s most seasoned defender against drone attacks—and as an adept user of drones in offensive operations against Russia—Kyiv believes it has much to contribute.
“We begin with an expert assessment, delivering a report that outlines the partner’s requirements,” Aloian explained. “It is then up to the partner to decide whether to order Ukrainian‑made systems, subject to future production capacity, or to source them elsewhere.”
Aloian added that attention will now turn to NATO partners, especially those bordering Russia or Ukraine, which have heightened their focus on drone defence. In Latvia, the government collapsed in May after a scandal triggered when two long‑range Ukrainian drones, diverted by Russian electronic warfare, struck an oil storage depot.
Shortly thereafter, Latvia signed its drone agreement with Ukraine and announced last week that a joint drone‑production facility will soon open in the eastern part of the country. Lithuania, where air‑raid sirens wailed after a similar incident in which Ukrainian drones strayed into its airspace, has also concluded a deal.
Aloian said several additional NATO members have already expressed interest, and some agreements could be finalized at the NATO leaders’ summit in Ankara this week. The goal remains to secure accords with at least seven NATO countries by the end of the year.
More ambitious—and less certain to succeed—are Kyiv’s efforts to create a European counterpart to the Patriot missile system capable of intercepting Russian ballistic missiles, a current weakness in Ukraine’s air defences due to the cost and scarcity of US‑supplied Patriots. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has elevated the development of such a missile to a top priority, and Aloian noted that European partners are discussing the concept politically and with major defence firms.
Regardless of the outcome of individual initiatives, it is evident that as Europe prepares to assume greater responsibility for its own security with diminished US support, there is a growing consensus that Ukraine must be included in the solution.
Alyona Getmanchuk, Ukraine’s ambassador to NATO, remarked that allies’ perception of Ukraine has shifted markedly since she assumed her post last summer. “When I first arrived at NATO and spoke of Ukraine’s potential as a security provider, I often saw hesitation,” she said. “Now many of those same interlocutors open conversations by acknowledging that viewpoint; it has become fashionable to view Ukraine in this light.”
