Democrats’ newly secured control of Congress, coupled with increasing unease within the Republican Party over Israel, could prompt the most significant reassessment of U.S. support for its closest Middle Eastern ally in decades. The recent election was partly shaped by voter anger over the war in Iran.
Democrats captured both the Senate and the House in this week’s midterm elections. Numerous victorious candidates ran on progressive platforms that included opposition to U.S. military aid to Israel and the American-Israeli military campaign in Iran.
Israel’s military campaign in Gaza, together with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s close alignment with President Donald Trump and other Republican leaders, had already placed long-standing bipartisan support for Israel under strain.
Democratic control of Congress could usher in stricter scrutiny of military assistance to Israel and violence in the West Bank, including public hearings and challenges to Trump administration nominees. However, the president’s veto power constrains the party’s capacity to enact sweeping policy changes.
Among the victorious progressives was Abdul El-Sayed of Michigan, who became the first Muslim elected to the U.S. Senate. His victory came despite Republican efforts to court Jewish voters who might have been uneasy with his faith or his criticism of Israel.
There were also indications that some Republicans might reassess the party’s traditional backing of Israel.
Vice President JD Vance attributed the Republican election losses on Wednesday to the war against Iran and singled out Israel as a liability for the party. In a social media post, Vance cited a pollster who identified four steps to win back disaffected Trump voters: “1) End the war; 2) Focus on the cost of living and inflation; 3) Put America First; 4) Change our relationship with Israel.”
In a Fox News interview on Tuesday, President Trump announced that he had reached an agreement with Netanyahu under which Washington would end its annual security assistance to Israel.
It remained unclear, however, whether the president possesses the legal authority to halt the billions of dollars in military assistance that Washington provides to Israel annually.
U.S. policy toward Israel has become a generational dividing line in American politics. Polls indicate that younger voters—including some Republicans—believe the country has been overly supportive of Israel and insufficiently supportive of Palestinian residents.
Sentiment in Congress had already begun to shift. Last September, 46 of the 47 members of the Senate Democratic caucus backed a resolution requiring the Trump administration to report to Congress on rising violence against Palestinians by Israeli settlers in the West Bank. Republicans blocked the measure, yet the near-unanimous Democratic vote marked a stark departure from decades of dependable bipartisan support for Israel.
Democrats are expected to renew their focus on violence in the West Bank.
“We need to ensure that our laws, international law, and policies are applied uniformly to the actions of all countries,” said Democratic Senator Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, who has spearheaded efforts to attach human rights conditions to U.S. aid for Israel. “There should not be an exception for Israel.”
Democratic power remains limited, however. President Trump has pledged to be “Mr. Veto,” and Democrats are unlikely to secure the two-thirds majorities required to override his vetoes should he refuse to sign their legislation.
Nevertheless, resistance to sending U.S. tax dollars overseas, combined with anger over the war in Iran, may embolden the “America First” faction within the Republican Party to push back as well.
The election outcome could produce “strange bedfellows on the left and right uniting in condemnation of Israel,” said Price Floyd, a former U.S. official and senior adviser at Argyll Strategy, a London-based strategic communications firm.
With majorities in both chambers, Democrats can also compel administration officials to testify at public hearings—a practice that was rare under Republican control.
“Congress can generate a great deal of noise,” said William Wechsler, senior director of Middle East programs at the Atlantic Council. “Lawmakers can threaten to stall nominees, raise questions about assistance agreements, and compel the president to issue waivers if he lifts sanctions.”
Polls indicated that the war in Iran was a top election issue. Many Americans blamed rising prices—particularly for gasoline—on the conflict that President Trump initiated in February.
Jonathan Schanzer, executive director of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies—a think tank that advocates for a strong U.S.-Israel alliance—said that changes in Israel’s leadership could alter the “mood music” of relations between the two countries.
Netanyahu lost his governing majority in Israel’s October 27 election, though he denied his opponents a clear path to replace him. Negotiations to form a new government are expected to be prolonged.
A new Israeli government—especially one less closely aligned with Republicans—could engage more cooperatively with Democrats, Schanzer said.
“Nothing is going to change in the United States until January, when Congress takes its seats,” Schanzer said. “By then, there may be a new Israeli government that also affects the equation.”
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