Kyiv University Launches Russian Studies Program Focused on Understanding Adversary Amid War

Traditionally, “Russian studies” evoked the literary giants, the architectural grandeur of Saint Petersburg, and the diplomatic legacy of Catherine the Great. Today, at one of Ukraine’s most prestigious universities, the curriculum has shifted from Pushkin, Chekhov, and Dostoyevsky to Russian disinformation and propaganda, foreign intelligence operations, and the mechanics of the Russian elite and oligarchy.

At the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, a controversial yet popular Russian studies program introduced last fall rejects the glories of imperial Russia in favor of dissecting the thinking and motivations of the belligerent power next door.

“For a number of years, it has been taboo in Ukrainian universities to study or teach anything related to Russia,” says Maksym Yakovlyev, chair of Mohyla’s international relations department and co-founder of the program. “Our program rejects that approach, declaring instead that to understand your enemy, you must study them.”

This shift resonates with Ukraine’s youth. In its first year, the program attracted 300 students—a significant portion of the university’s 4,000-strong student body—and will expand to include master’s-level courses this fall.

The program’s popularity contrasts sharply with its initial reception. As Ukraine removed Russian cultural symbols—statues, street names, and literary figures—the proposal for a new program focused on the former imperial master raised suspicions. Critics feared exposing students to more Russian influence rather than less, nearly derailing the project.

“One faculty member told us we would have a better chance of approval if we called it ‘anti-Russian studies,’” Dr. Yakovlyev recalls.

Howard LaFranchi/The Christian Science Monitor

Co-founders Anton Suslov (left) and Maksym Yakovlyev have seen initial suspicions transform into student enthusiasm.

However, the shock of Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022, while fueling hatred and rejection of all things Russian, also sparked a realization: Ukraine needed new thinking to counter a stronger adversary.

“We heard more voices arguing that as the weaker party, Ukraine needed asymmetric measures and new ideas to defeat a larger power,” says co-founder Anton Suslov. “That meant understanding the enemy better, which helped justify a program dedicated to deepening knowledge of Russia.”

Russia’s Miscalculation

Dr. Suslov argues Russia’s invasion inadvertently paved the way for the program’s acceptance. “One of Russia’s mistakes was deeply underestimating Ukraine and the Ukrainian response,” he says. “They assumed they knew Ukraine perfectly but learned too late they did not. A program studying our enemy helps Ukraine avoid similar errors.”

The goal is to train future officials, diplomats, and intelligence officers with a clear-eyed grasp of the neighbor sharing over 1,200 miles of border with Ukraine.

Students recognize that regardless of the war’s outcome, Russia remains a persistent threat requiring expertise to manage. “I don’t see a future where Ukraine and Russia simply shake hands and live as friends,” says Valeriia Bunak, a rising senior planning advanced courses. “We’ll need expertise on an enemy that isn’t going away.”

Bunak, interning at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ “unfriendly countries” section, grew up in the Chernihiv region, once steeped in Russian influence. “My region was the last to remove Lenin statues and embrace decommunization,” she says. “Courses on Russian disinformation and intelligence services revealed how Russia operates to dominate and divide Ukrainians.”

Howard LaFranchi/The Christian Science Monitor

Taras Sachenko weighs his “strong disgust” toward Russia against Ukraine’s need to understand its enemy as he considers the new master’s program.

Yet not all students want Russia to dominate their careers. “I understand the importance of knowing every facet of Russian influence, but sometimes there’s already too much Russia in my life,” says Taras Sachenko, a Russian studies major considering the master’s program. Family ties to heavily bombarded Kharkiv fuel his “strong feelings of disgust,” which he balances against a desire to understand Russia’s covert operations and global ambitions.

Sachenko sees a diplomatic role for Ukraine in the Global South, where Russian influence persists. “Russia will remain a global power,” he says. “Ukraine’s experience can be useful for other countries.”

Domestic Reflections

While the coursework focuses outward, some students find it illuminates Ukraine’s own Soviet-era legacies—corruption and oligarchic influence. “Learning about the Russian oligarchy forces introspection because we have a similar problem here,” Bunak notes.

She points out that addressing oligarchic influence in business and industry is a prerequisite for European Union membership. “It’s another example of how Russian studies serves our future.”

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