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Hebron, occupied West Bank – Badr al‑Tamimi, 60, lives in Hebron’s Old City, where Israeli checkpoints, iron gates and repeated road closures transform ordinary tasks into a daily ordeal for Palestinian residents.
The situation extends far beyond simple movement restrictions. Israel has effectively turned parts of Hebron into a ghost town, creating a sense of displacement among locals who feel pressured to leave. This phenomenon is most acute in the H2 district, where Israel maintains near‑total control over Palestinian life.
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A few days ago, Israeli authorities installed three iron gates across a 200‑metre (656‑foot) stretch of Hebron’s Old City – an obstruction of just 0.2 dunams (200 square metres) – as part of Israel’s apparent efforts to constrain Palestinians’ freedom of movement.
Hebron Municipality mayor Yousef al‑Jabari told Al Jazeera that one gate stood on al‑Zahid Road, the sole route accessible to vehicles approaching the Old City entrance. A second gate was positioned at the start of al‑Shalala Street, leading to shops adjacent to the Bab al‑Zawiya district in the city centre. A third towered over another section of al‑Shalala Street, a main thoroughfare used by pedestrians accessing commercial areas.
These barriers are part of a broader network of travel restrictions affecting the occupied West Bank, though Hebron, with its substantial settler population, bears the brunt of the policy pressure.
According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), roughly 40 percent of the West Bank’s 89 checkpoints and 11 percent of all 925 movement obstacles are concentrated in the H2 segment of Hebron, which remains under strict Israeli security management.
Approximately 7,000 Palestinians living in Hebron’s densely populated areas adjacent to large settlement communities fall under the latest travel bans. Since the outbreak of the conflict on October 7, 2023, only individuals bearing specific identification numbers may enter this zone; relevant checkpoints operate primarily between 07:00 and 20:00 hours.
Al‑Tamimi resides in the al‑Sheikh neighbourhood adjacent to the iconic Ibrahimi Mosque and operates a small shop within the Old City limits.
Palestinian residents endure unpredictable delays at checkpoints, and a soldier’s demeanor can determine whether a commuter waits minutes or hours. Worshippers planning entry to the Ibrahimi Mosque may be detained or held back for extended periods.
“Sometimes a limited number may be permitted passage while others remain in limbo; meanwhile, resident mobility halts during incursions, Jewish holidays, and accompanying security protocols,” mayor al‑Jabari noted.
Repeated closures have crippled economic activity throughout Hebron, impeding businesses’ ability to generate revenue and sustain operations.
“Our presence in the Old City represents steadfastness—not merely the capacity for livelihood—” al‑Tamimi stated.
Even after Israel captured Hebron in 1967, the city thrived with bustling commerce and vibrant local life. Prior to that, free movement allowed seamless migration between neighborhoods and supported economic vitality.
Turning points emerged in 1994, following the Ibrahimi Mosque tragedy in which a U.S.-born Israeli settler slaughtered 29 worshippers. From that moment forward, Hebron’s spatial dynamics shifted, becoming increasingly isolated from its surroundings, al‑Tamimi explained.
He points to Shuhada Street—a former commercial artery—as having become a lifeline before recent constraints transformed the street’s function.
“They prosecuted the murder, yet continue punishing us for it,” he lamented.
In 1997, the Hebron Protocol was signed between the PLO and Israel, partitioning the city into Zones H1 (under Palestinian administration) and H2—comprising the Old City, the Ibrahimi Mosque, and unauthorized settlements—which stayed under Israeli security oversight.
Issa Amro, a youth coordinator with the Youth Against Settlements group, observed that Israeli prohibitions intensified further with the 2000 Second Intifada, when Hebron crystallized as an uprising hub. During that period, extensive sectors of the city were sealed, shops shuttered, and residents frequently confined to their neighborhoods.
Since the outbreak of Israel’s 2023 campaign in Gaza, the count of checkpoints has escalated to 32, while additional movement impediments now surpass 130.
The “closed zones”—designated by Israeli officials as sectors permitting military activity with restricted Palestinian access—have expanded around the Ibrahimi Mosque and concentration of unauthorized settlements within the historic core.
“The movement limitations essentially imprison residents,” said Amro.
Mayor al‑Jabari indicated that approximately 10,000 Palestinians residing in the Old City and adjoining closed zones bear the brunt of these regulations.
Certain districts are completely vehicular‑inaccessible, and Palestinians confront curfews scheduled twice weekly, typically over weekends.
He contends these restrictions aim to bar Palestinians from returning home and suppress civic life in parts of Hebron.
Simultaneously, Israeli authorities have facilitated settler expansion, enforcing a suffocating reality for Palestinians in the region.
Mayor al‑Jabari warned that Israel’s present government may pursue actions intended to secure settler favor ahead of this month’s elections.
The control of Hebron, its Old City, and the Ibrahimi Mosque stands as a central issue for settlers, and key political figures from this coalition fill significant roles within Israeli governance.
“This seizure of property and land, together with gate installations, continues decades‑long Israeli policies,” al‑Jabari affirmed.
“Such measures include closing Shuhada Street, shutting down over 500 establishments, establishing settlement outposts and military posts inside the Old City.”
He has witnessed rising restrictions on Palestinian movement orders this month, developments certain to satisfy settler constituencies.
Hebron municipal leadership filed lawsuits in Israeli courts, despite doubts regarding judicial neutrality.
Amid these ongoing measures, Palestinian life deteriorates further, rendering work, daily routines, and education into constant struggles.
Israel invokes security concerns as a rationale for constructing additional checkpoints and iron gates in Hebron, yet no comparable barriers exist for settlers who reside nearby.
Since 2015, Israel has limited the number of Palestinians permitted passage through closed‑zone checkpoints. Students and educators frequently experience random bag searches or detention by soldiers.
Ayet al‑Jabari, a 40‑year‑old science teacher, spent a year at Qurtuba School—located beside the blocked Shuhada Street—before taking a position at Al‑Fayha School near the Ibrahimi Mosque.
What should have been a five‑minute trip from home often stretched to an hour.
On her uneasy morning commute, she traversed a nearby cemetery—often in winter darkness—where settlers and soldiers sometimes converge to obstruct the path or brutally target Palestinians.
“Each day I faced lengthy routes and walks through cemeteries to evade the checkpoint, especially lacking a special identification card. Even those with valid numbers are forced into these paths to circumvent soldiers’ volatile moods,” she recalled.
Despite shifting schools, al‑Jabari observed that conditions lack improvement.
“During Jewish holidays, schools close entirely because all occupants reside in permanently lockdown‑sealed areas, driving residents even to forbidfully barring door openings,” she explained.
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